TL;DR: A contactless motion detector, comprising an output thyristor controlled by a switching network, has an oscillator coupled to the switching network via a pre-amplifier and a delay unit retards the energization of the pre-Amplifier until the oscillator has reached its operating condition.
Abstract: A contactless motion detector, comprising an output thyristor controlled by a switching network, has an oscillator coupled to the switching network via a pre-amplifier. The oscillator and the pre-amplifier are energized from a source of pulsating direct current via a supply circuit which is part of the switching network and includes a constant-current unit in parallel with the output thyristor. To prevent untimely switching of the thyristor when power is connected to the system, a delay unit retards the energization of the pre-amplifier until the oscillator has reached its operating condition. The delay unit may include one or more semiconductive devices, such as cascaded transistors or diodes, connected across a capacitor of a resistive/capacitive series circuit which bridges a smoothing capacitor inserted between a pair of bus bars.
TL;DR: The authors investigated Possessive Dative Construction (PDC) in Hebrew and Romance, and focused on the puzzling nature of the possessor Dative (PD) which behaves like a syntactic argument of the verb.
TL;DR: This paper showed that the grammar clearly distinguishes double object from prepositional dative constructions, showing that under certain circumstances, the first object of a double object construction can shift to the right, with the preposition to appearing, but the grammar still distinguishes this from a dative construction that looks identical on the surface.
Abstract: Recent work by Bresnan and colleagues (Bresnan 2007, Bresnan et al. 2007, Bresnan and Nikitina 2007) has argued that double object and prepositional dative constructions are essentially identical, the choice between them being conditioned by various factors. I argue against this conclusion, showing that the grammar clearly distinguishes double object from prepositional dative constructions. Under certain circumstances, the first object of a double object construction can shift to the right, with the preposition to appearing, but the grammar still distinguishes this from a prepositional dative construction that looks identical on the surface. The phenomena that I investigate are scope interactions with quantifiers and locative inversion. In addition, the rightward reordering operations investigated here indicate that constraints on variable binding, including weak crossover, must be formulated in terms of linear order rather than hierarchy.
TL;DR: Gries and Stefanowitsch as discussed by the authors conducted a corpus-based study of verb disposition in the Dutch dative alternation and found that the preference of verbs with particular lexical semantic characteristics for one of two competing constructions is taken as a clue to the semantic differences between the two constructions.
TL;DR: In this paper, the Coreferential Dative Construction (CDS) was compared with the Modern Hebrew VP and showed that the presence of the CDS obligatorily triggers a special type of modification in the VP: it must be modified by an attenuative vague measure.
Abstract: In this paper we will provide a description of what we term here the Coreferential Dative Construction. The languages under consideration are Syrian Arabic, which has never been studied before from this respect, and Modern Hebrew. We will show that this construction, related to other constructions containing non-selected datives, expresses the speaker's stance or emotional attitude towards the described eventuality by seeing it as having weak relevance. We will also show that the most important grammatical difference between the two languages is that in Syrian Arabic the presence of the Coreferential Dative obligatorily triggers a special type of modification in the VP: it must be modified by an attenuative vague measure. The comparative approach will help to shed new light on previous analyses of Modern Hebrew data.