TL;DR: The structural representation of a clause consists of three kinds of structural layers, each layer an instantiation of the X-bar schema: the lexical layer, headed by the verb, the structural layer in which theta assignment takes place, the complementizer layer, typically headed by a free functional morpheme, and hosting topics and various operator-like elements such as interrogative and relative pronouns, focalized elements, etc..
Abstract: Under current assumptions, the structural representation of a clause consists of three kinds of structural layers, each layer an instantiation of the X-bar schema:
1.
The lexical layer, headed by the verb, the structural layer in which theta assignment takes place.
2.
The inflectional layer, headed by functional heads corresponding to concrete or abstract morphological specifications on the verb, and responsible for the licensing of argumental features such as case and agreement.
3.
The complementizer layer, typically headed by a free functional morpheme, and hosting topics and various operator-like elements such as interrogative and relative pronouns, focalized elements, etc.
In the mid eighties, each layer was identified with a single X-bar projection (VP, IP, CP), but this assumption quickly turned out to be too simplistic. Under the impact of Pollock’s (1989) influential analysis of verb movement, IP dissolved into a series of functional projections, each corresponding to system (Agr, T, Asp,…). Kayne’s (1984) binary branching hypothesis naturally led to the postulation of multiple VP layers for multi-argument verbs, e.g. along the lines of Larson (1988) and much related work.
TL;DR: The authors found that syntactic misanalysis effects in sentence complements (e.g., "The student forgot the solution was" ) occurred at the verb in the complement (i.e., was) for matrix verbs typically used with noun phrase complements, but not for verbs usually used with sentence complementments.
Abstract: Immediate effects of verb-specific syntactic (subcategorization) information were found in a cross-modal naming experiment, a self-paced reading experiment, and an experiment in which eye movements were monitored. In the reading studies, syntactic misanalysis effects in sentence complements (e.g., "The student forgot the solution was. . .") occurred at the verb in the complement (e.g., was) for matrix verbs typically used with noun phrase complements but not for verbs typically used with sentence complements. In addition, a complementizer effect for sentencecomplement-biased verbs was not due to syntactic misanalysis but was correlated with how strongly a particular verb prefers to be followed by the complementizer that. The results support models that make immediate use of lexically specific constraints, especially constraint-based models, but are problematic for lexical filtering models. Many aspects of language comprehension take place rapidly, with readers and listeners making commitments to at least partial interpretations soon after receiving linguistic input (e.g., Altmann & Steedman, 1988; Crain & Steedman, 1985; Frazier, 1989; Frazier & Fodor, 1978; Marslen-Wilson & Tyler, 1987; Tyler, 1989). The on-line nature of comprehension has important consequences for syntactic processing (parsing). Immediate interpretation requires some local syntactic commitments even though sentences often contain temporary ambiguities. As a result, readers and listeners will occasionally make incorrect commitments that will require revision when, an ambiguity is resolved at a later point in processing. The frequency of syntactic misanalysis or garden-pathing will depend on the types of commitments made by the system and the information used to determine these commitments. A system that makes complete syntactic commitments using only a restricted domain of syntactically
TL;DR: This paper argued that inversion of the subject and auxiliary in English matrix questions and elsewhere is the effect of a violable optimality-theoretic constraint that requires head positions to be filled.
Abstract: This article argues that inversion of the subject and auxiliary in English matrix questions and elsewhere is the effect of a violable optimality-theoretic constraint that requires head positions to be filled. When no other auxiliary is available, do-support occurs to satisfy this constraint, resulting in the presence of an expletive verb. When a higher-ranked constraint prohibits inversion, no inversion or do-support is found. The argument is then extended to cases where the complementizer that is obligatory, which are shown to offer best satisfaction of the proposed set of violable constraints
TL;DR: The authors argue that young German children have the major functional sentential heads, in particular the inflectional and complementizer systems, and use natural production data from a 25-month-old child.
Abstract: We argue that young German children have the major functional sentential heads, in particular the inflectional and complementizer systems. The major empirical basis is natural production data from a 25-month-old child. We perform quantitative analyses which show that the full complement of functional categories is available to the child, and that what crucially distinguishes the child's grammar from the adult's is the use of infinitives in matrix clauses. The evidence we consider includes the child's knowledge of finiteness and verb placement, agreement, head movement, and permissible wordorder variations. We examine several accounts which presuppose a degenerate grammar or which deviate from the standard analysis of German and conclude that they provide a less adequate explanation of the acquisition facts.*