Abstract: There has been a tremendous growth in constitutionalism around the world in the last sixty years. Mostly, it has come in two concentrated bursts: in western Europe and Japan following World War II, and in central Europe and Africa following the collapse of communism in 1989. Despite fascinating and important differences in the forms that this growth has taken in various countries, the overarching story is one in which the essentials of the American model of constitutionalism have been adopted. These essentials posit a necessary and fundamental incompatibility between legislative supremacy and the effective legal protection of individual rights, so that opting for the latter requires "constitutionalizing" them in the following specific sense: giving such rights the status of supreme law; entrenching them against ordinary legislative repeal or amendment; and enforcing them through the power of judicial review, exercise of which is unreviewable by ordinary legislative means. There has, however, been a set of recent developments in the three Commonwealth countries of Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom that present an intriguing alternative to this dominant model of constitutionalism. Between 1982 and 1998, each of these three countries adopted a bill of rights in a form that self-consciously and deliberately rejected the central axiom of the American model by seeking to reconcile and accommodate judicial protection of fundamental rights with (what they see as) the legitimate core claims of parliamentary sovereignty. Although they grant significant new power to the courts to protect fundamental rights, each in a different way empowers the legislature to have the final word on what the law of the land is. This article identifies, analyzes and evaluates this new Commonwealth model of constitutionalism. In addition to presenting novel institutional possibilities within the framework of constitutionalist democracy, the new model suggests solutions to a number of practical and theoretical problems that have long been thought to bedevil the American model. By attempting to create genuine dialogue and joint responsibility between courts and legislatures with respect to rights, the new model may both help to reinject matters of principle back into legislative and popular debates, and offer a radically direct solution to the countermajoritarian difficulty associated with judicial review.

Abstract: Americans have long been a people given to organizing and joining voluntary membership associations. Associational growth started early in the nation's history, yet accelerated from the 1860s through the early 1900s. Many researchers have argued that modernizing forces propelled associational development, but this seemingly obvious explanation has been challenged by scholars who stress the impact of the Civil War, government institutions, political processes, and preexisting social networks. Using a unique data set that tracks foundings of state-level units in major voluntary membership federations between the 1860s and 1920s, we test alternative hypotheses with the aid of event history methods. We find little support for modernization arguments, but document clear links to Union mobilization reinforced by northern victory in the Civil War. Electoral competitiveness and certain preexisting social networks also encouraged associations to form. Our findings suggest fresh leads for further research on civic engagement in American democracy. (A ssociations are created, extended, and worked in the United States more quickly and effectively than in any other country," declared British visitor Lord James Bryce in his 1895 masterpiece The American Commonwealth. The "greater" associations "ramify over the country," he noted, and "have great importance in the development of opinion, for they rouse attention, excite discussion, formulate principles, submit plans, embolden and stimulate their members... ." (1895, 278-279). In locating much of the vitality of American democracy in the nation's rich profusion of voluntarily organized membership groups, Bryce echoed Alexis de Tocqueville, who toured the fledgling republic half a century earlier, and foreshadowed the arguments of leading twentieth-century scholars such as Arthur Schlesinger Sr. (1944), Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba (1963), and Robert D. Putnam (2000). Ironically, however, modern political scientists have more often celebrated than studied classic voluntary associations. Research has concentrated on modern interest groups, especially business lobbies and professionally run, frequently memberless advocacy groups (for an overview of this literature, see Baumgartner and Leech 1998). Aiming not only to fill a glaring empirical gap, but also to advance a fresh conception of the forces that shaped the foundations of modern American civic life, this article analyzes the macro factors influencing the historical development of large, popularly rooted voluntary membership associations.

Abstract: Introduction Hegemony, Middlepowermanship, and Multilateralism Neo-liberalism as a Hegemony Project Neo-liberalism, Hegemonic, and Post-Apartheid South Africa From Redistribution to Hegemonic Norms: Constraints and Contradictions Multilateralism, Middlepowermanship and Neo-liberalism: South African Foreign Policy South Africa and the World Trade Organisation South Africa and the Cairns Group South Africa and UNCTAD IX South Africa and the Non-Aligned Movement South Africa and the Commonwealth Middlepowermanship and the Continuing Compromise Bibliography

Abstract: The publication of the Crick report (1998) on citizenship education and the subsequent Order for implementing the compulsory status of the topic for Key Stages 3 and 4 have generated considerable comment. However, the historical background to this development has been only sketchily treated. This article attempts to provide a little more detail, to suggest a framework of analysis to illuminate the history and to indicate the relevance of this past experience for current work. The analytical framework is provided by the identification of five factors that have shaped the evolution of citizenship education in England. These are: the lack of central guidance and reliance on private initiatives; the extension of the franchise and the issue of maturity; social class and examination structures; war and peace; Empire and Commonwealth.

Abstract: Introduction Part I. Perspective: 1. Economic transition: speed and scope 2. What do we economists know now about the transition to a market system? 3. The transition's initial years 4. Privatization and criminalization 5. Where is Russia now? 6. Economic efficiency and political pressures 7. A roundtable discussion Part II. Proposals: 8. Overall agenda for reform 9. Public wealth funds 10. Economic reintegration of the Commonwealth of Independent States 11. Import tariffs 12. Taxation of mineral wealth 13. Reform of the agricultural sector 14. Reform of the coal industry.

Abstract: The study explores the extent to which teachers in selected Commonwealth Caribbean countries are being trained to: (i) use centrally produced curriculum guides in language arts/reading, English and foreign Languages; (ii) adopt appropriate methodologies for the teacher as a 'facilitator of learning'; (iii) teach low achievers and underachieving males; and (iv) use new technologies to aid instruction. The findings suggest that, while in most of the countries teachers are trained to use curriculum guides at the primary level, there is little evidence to indicate that the ideals in (ii)-(iv) either are being or can be realised, given existing constraints. Highlighted amongst the lessons learned from the Caribbean experience are: (i) the insensitivity of policy to the practical realities of the classroom; and (ii) the tendency of policy to perceive teacher training as the panacea for problems whose solutions lie in changes in the economic, social and cultural fabric of society.

Abstract: Foreword by Rt Honourable Owen Arthur, Prime Minister of Barbados Introduction SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS AND DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGES OF SMALL STATES Integrating Small States in a Fast-changing Global Economy by Shahid Javed Burki Aid, risk and the special concerns of small states by Paul Collier and David Dollar Globalisation and Small Developing Economies: Challenges and Opportunities by Richard L. Bernal Small States: A Composite Vulnerability Index by Jonathan P. Atkins, Sonia Mazzi and Christopher D. Easter Small States, Small Problems? Income, Growth and Volatility in Small States by William Easterly and Aart Kraay Comments on 'Small states: A Composite Vulnerability Index' and 'Small States, Small Problems?' by Byron Blake MANAGEMENT OF ECONOMIC RISKS IN SMALL STATES Managing Catastrophic Disaster Risks using Alternative Risk Financing and Pooled Insurance Structures by John D. Pollner et al. IMPACT ON SMALL STATES OF THE DEVELOPING WORLD TRADE REGIME Small Economies in the WTO by Peter Tulloch Trade Policy Implications for Small Vulnerable States of the Global Trade Regime Shift by Roman Grynberg The Pacific Island States and the WTO: Towards a Post-Seattle Agenda for Small Vulnerable States by Roman Grynberg Revenue Implications of Trade Liberalisation by Liam Ebrill and Reint Gropp NEW OPPORTUNITIES FROM GLOBALISATION Exploiting Information Technologies for Electronic Commerce and Better Public Sector Management by Robert Schware and Paul Kimberley ISSUES IN THE PROVISION OF EXTERNAL ASSISTANCE The Drive to Aid Partnership: Aid Co-Ordination and the Role of the World Bank by Wendy Jarvie and John Eriksson REGIONAL AND COUNTRY EXPERIENCES Economic Growth and Development: Lessons from the Experience of Cyprus - A Small Island Economy by Symeon Matsis The Mauritian Experience by Nikhil Treebhoohun Experiences and Opportunities for Capacity Sharing through Regional Co-operation and Integration: The Case of the Caribbean Community by Byron Blake Sharing Capacity: The Pacific Experience with Regional Co-operation and Integration by the South Pacific Forum Secretariat Appendices

Abstract: Introduction * The Good Society in a Global Context * Civil Society and Participatory Research * A Good Society * Friends and Enemies of a Good Society * Good Governance * What is to be Done? * Appendix 1: Harare Commonwealth Declaration * Appendix 2: Millbrook Commonwealth Action Programme on the Harare Declaration (1995) * Appendix 3: The Fancourt Commonwealth Declaration on Globalization and People-Centred Development (1999) * Notes * References * Index

Abstract: Preface..Acknowledgments..Abbreviations..Time line of events..1 The historical context: from massacres to Mabo..2 The reconciliation process..3 ATSIC: A radical shift to self-determination..4 Aboriginal deaths in custody..5 Mabo: A peaceful beginning..6 The battle begins and the lines are drawn..7 Wik ignites..8 A strategic win and a bitter defeat..9 The Commonwealth draws fire..10 Getting the Native Title Act over the line..11 Land for the dispossessed..12 The Torres Strait Islanders: Australia's forgotten Indigenous people..13 Heritage, culture and Hindmarsh Island..14 Aboriginal health - a fixable problem..15 The world is watching: International action to protect Indigenous rights..16 Does reconciliation stand a chance?..Primary written sources..Index

Abstract: Peter Fraser was a New Zealand Labour Prime Minister and Commonwealth statesman of great stature whose life and career spanned the early and mid-twentieth century. Scottish-born, he was jailed in New Zealand in the First World War for opposing conscription and became a leading architect of Labour's path to power in the 1920's and early 1930's. In the first Labour Government in 1935 he was a senior figure, serving as deputy Prime Minister to Michael Joseph Savage. He became Prime Minister on Savage's death in 1940 and steered the country through the Second World War. He played a significant world role in the setting up of the United Nations after the war. His government was finally defeated in 1949.

Abstract: The Sports Development Impact of the Manchester 2002 Commonwealth Games: Initial Baseline Research

Abstract: This article locates Sir Thomas More’s Utopia within the broader context of the sixteenth-century Greek revival in England. More and the other humanists whom Erasmus befriended during his time in England became the first Englishmen to learn Greek and to make a polemical point of preferring Greece to Rome. During the period of Utopia’s preparation and publication, this circle’s Hellenism took on a new intensity, as several of its members were called upon to defend Erasmus’s controversial project of using the Greek New Testament to correct the Vulgate. Responding to opponents of the new Greek learning, the Erasmians launched a particularly energetic attack on Roman philosophy. It is argued that Utopia intervenes in this quarrel by dramatizing a confrontation between the values of the Roman republican tradition and those of a rival commonwealth theory based on Greek ethics. Utopia suggests that, when seen from a Roman perspective, Greek advice looks like ‘nonsense’. But, for More, that ‘nonsense’ yields the ‘best state of a commonwealth’.

Abstract: The UK political system has long exemplified ‘majoritarian’ or ‘Westminster’ government, a type subsequently exported to many Commonwealth countries. The primary advantage of this system, proponents since Bagehot have argued, lie in its ability to combine accountability with effective governance. Yet under the Blair administration, this system has undergone a series of major constitutional reforms, perhaps producing the twilight of the pure Westminster model. After conceptualizing the process of constitutional reform, this paper discusses two important claims made by those who favor retaining the current electoral system for Westminster, namely that single-member districts promote strong voter-member linkages and generate greater satisfaction with the political system. Evidence testing these claims is examined from comparative data covering 19 nations, drawing on the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The study finds that member-voter linkages are stronger in single member than in pure multimember districts, but that combined districts such as MMP preserve these virtues. Concerning claims of greater public satisfaction under majoritarian systems, the study establishes some support for this contention, although the evidence remains limited. The conclusion considers the implications of the findings for debates about electoral reform and for the future of the Westminster political system.

Abstract: Through an ethnographically oriented case study at the 1998 Commonwealth Games, the analysis accounts for the complexities and nuances that realignments in political, economic, and social life create for televised sport professionals. The analysis addresses the mediations of, and the interactions between, the host broadcaster (Radio Television Malaysia) and one “client” broadcaster (Television New Zealand). Specifically, the paper focuses on the conditions of production, the production practices, and the meanings embodied within the product that flowed to New Zealand.

Abstract: (2001). The Principle of Legality in Administrative Law: Internationalisation as Constitutionalisation. Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal: Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 5-34.

Abstract: List of Plates Preface Introduction Roman Models Humanist Transmission Elizabethans and the Armada Marlowe and Spenser The Stuart Peace Shakespeare and Stuart Drama Civil War and Commonwealth Marvell and Milton Notes Bibliography of Classical Texts Index

Abstract: (2001). The Case that Stopped a Coup? The Rule of Law and Constitutionalism in Fiji. Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal: Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 73-93.

Abstract: Much of the contemporary literature on Australian social policy tends to focus on broad environmental and institutional variables and to downplay the importance of the social policy decision-making process and its participants. Yet the study of specific cases in social policy-making reveals that senior administrators often have a significant impact on the direction of social policy reform. The income support reforms adopted as part of the fomer Federal Labor government's Working Nation package illustrate the potential for bureaucrats to influence the direction of change. Senior administrative officers within the former Commonwealth Department of Social Security played a crucial role in promoting reforms which increased the generosity of the means test on unemployment payments. These bureaucrats behaved as policy entrepreneurs and worked in a strategic manner to garner support for and reduce opposition to their proposals within the decision-making process.

Abstract: A countrybycountry synopsis of public sector reform in thirtysix Commonwealth developing countries. The book presents a brief profile of each country and the background to recent political and economic changes, followed by an outline of the key reform initiatives, the implementation processes, the achievements and the problems encountered. Wherever possible each section concludes with a sketch of proposed initiatives and future programmes. This accessible publication focuses on the experiences, successes and achievements of developing Commonwealth countries, and aims to facilitate the sharing of experience and good practice. The book is a seminal departure from the existing literature in the area of public sector reform, which largely concentrates on the individual experience of the developed countries.

Abstract: (2001). Maori as honorary members of the white tribe. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 33-54.

Abstract: Defence of the nation is one of the fundamental obligations of government. For much of the first century of the Commonwealth of Australia that obligation has been tested - in two world wars, and in a series of other military engagements. The military reputation that has grown out of these defining moments in Australian history has been a significant factor in moulding Australians' views of themselves, yet service matters have not often attracted any great degree of public interest. "The Australian Centenary History of Defence" explains the complexities of an essential strand of the Commonwealth's first century - the successes and the failures, the progress and the setbacks, in peace and war. This book is intended for general readers of military defence history titles, especially works in this series. Also military defence historians and students.

Abstract: The Charter of the United Nations, adopted in San Francisco in 1945, marked a new approach to international relations - a break with the concept of balance of power and the beginning of a new era of global interdependence. Despite the tensions of the Cold War, the UN Charter has retained its authority among the founder nations and the 100 plus countries that have joined. Its essence is embodied in the 200 words of the Preamble, which was incorporated largely due to the efforts of Jan Smuts, a former Prime Minister of South Africa and a pioneer of the concept of Commonwealth.

Abstract: Ten years after the Harare Declaration, a High Level Review of the Commonwealth is being conducted under the chairmanship of President Mbeki. The priorities of the Commonwealth into the twenty-first century will be discussed and debated. In that context, this article examines one of the key initiatives of the Commonwealth during the 1990s, namely election observation. The article explores the historical development of Commonwealth observation within the framework of its approach to the promotion of democracy and good governance. Despite the commitment to democratic development represented in the Harare Declaration, the article argues that lack of resources (both human and financial) has made Commonwealth election observation increasingly problematic. It calls for a more coherent, proactive approach to the issue of democracy building within the Commonwealth.

Abstract: The virtual university takes the existing models of an Open University and extension learning one stage further by providing links that enable learners to take courses from overseas institutions as well as from the local university. This case study relates to the pilot phase of the African Virtual University at Kenyatta University in Kenya. It provides one of the few available insights into the reality of how the AVU has progressed in terms of concept, strategy and practice. It describes and analyses key issues regarding courses offered, operational economics, practical difficulties and the growing institutionalisation of the AVU as an integral part of higher education in Kenya. The Commonwealth’s educational work promotes the exchange of experiences and good practice in the field of education. Commonwealth Case Studies in Education is a series of key papers focusing on innovations and challenges in education. Each case study presents a concise analysis of a topical and pertinent educational issue. The series marks an important contribution to educational advancement of benefit to countries, agencies and organisations, within the Commonwealth and beyond.

Abstract: The decade of the 1930s saw the beginning of a major reassessment of where the Commonwealth of Australia saw itself in relation to the rest of the world. The Statute of Westminster 1931, which effectively rescinded any remaining vestiges of British parliamentary control over the governments of the Dominions, provided Australia with the opportunity to go its own way on matters of foreign affairs at precisely the moment when freedom of movement was needed in view of international developments. As things turned out, the Australians did not ratify the Statute of Westminster until 1942, when the nation was imperiled and Britain was not in a position to assist in the Commonwealth’s defense. In the intervening decade, the Australians clung to the British lead in almost everything, notwithstanding an oft-expressed British preference that the great Dominion would develop its own policies based around its own strategic interests. In one area only, it appeared, would Australia do so, and this would have enormous repercussions for those whose lives it touched. In matters of population policy, the Australians exercised an almost fanatical independence, mixing legislation with administration for the purpose of determining which overseas nationalities would have the privilege of contributing to the future population of the country. For Jews seeking to e ee Nazi Germany or any of the anti-Semitic countries of Eastern Europe this would have devastating results. But a selective immigration program formed only a part of the approach to building a “pure” population of blond-haired, blue-eyed Anglo-Australians. A second initiative was the development of what can only be described as a genocidal policy with regard to mixed-descent Aborigines, as this article will contend. As a way into this topic, we can juxtapose two quotes, taken from statements made by Australian ofe cials of the Department of the Interior in the 1930s. The e rst is from 1933: