Abstract: Widely acknowledged as the definitive history of the era, Henry Mayer's National Book Award finalist biography of William Lloyd Garrison brings to life one of the most significant American abolitionists. Extensively researched and exquisitely nuanced, the political and social climate of Garrison's times and his achievements appear here in all their prophetic brilliance. Finalist for the National Book Award, winner of the J. Anthony Lucas Book Prize, winner of the Commonwealth Club Silver Prize for Nonfiction.

Abstract: Should the laws of England be printed? What were the likely effects of different strategies of dissemination? From the early sixteenth century through the English Revolution, these questions framed a debate among English lawyers over the propriety, advantages and risks of legal publication. Advocates of law printing envisioned national unity, godliness, and social harmony flowing from the legal press as readily as quartos and folios. Opponents, like the barrister William Hudson, warned of releasing the inner reasons and fictions of the law "to the multitude, who are apt to furnish themselves with shifts to cloak their wickedness, rather than to gain understanding to further the government of the Commonwealth." Participating in the expansion of law publishing underway in Elizabethan and early Stuart England, lawyers questioned print's impact on a profession heavily dependent on manuscripts and oral tradition and on a nation reading lawbooks without the interpretive conventions imbued by legal training. This essay pursues an intellectual history of law publishing. It explores lawyers' uncertain, divisive, and changing opinions about the effects and meanings of the legal press - their attacks, defenses, interpretations, aspirations, and warnings. The story unfolds in four sections. The first explores the initial justification of law printing offered in Henrician England, an echo of humanist and Protestant advocacy of textual dissemination as an agent of godly order. As it dissolved obscurantism, its friends claimed, the legal press solidified obedience to kingly authority against local, seigneurial, and ecclesiastical rivals. The second section discusses how an emerging group of latter sixteenth-century skeptics such as Hudson, the "anti-publicists," questioned these irenic predictions about the effects of lawbooks. Disorder, degeneracy, and disunion were their counter-prophesies. Absolutist and high church conformist suspicions of "publicity" inclined anti-publicists to disapprove of revealing the law's inner reasons and fictions. They wanted it to speak in a voice of command, not persuasion. The third section explores the contexts engendering the debate and making plausible the disputants' contrasting prophesies about the effects of lawbooks. Three interrelated developments stand out: the growing lay audience putting lawbooks to political uses and undermining the tacit identification of the reading public with the profession; increasing episcopal and absolutist suspicion of the unwitting dangers of licit printing; and the gradual realization within the profession of how print reshaped the control of knowledge (and hence of status and power) among themselves and between themselves and the nation. The fourth and final section reflects on how the controversy over law printing implicated a larger change in English legal culture: the "commoning" of the common law. In reaction to the anti-publicist critique, publicists helped further the gradual redefinition of the law as a national inheritance rather than a guild or royal possession. They defended popular right of access to the inner reasons of the law, valorized lay rather than royal or guild "ownership" of the law, and brought out the latent constitutionalist implications of legal printing. In the realm of perception, they helped transform the laws of the realm of England into the laws of Englishmen.

Abstract: This article examines the 'forced inclusion' of the Irish within a 'myth of homogeneity' which developed in Britain from the 1950s onwards. In particular, it explains the complex reasons for exclusion of the Irish from the immigration controls introduced in the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act. Further, the article challenges the notion that this exclusion of the Irish from the 1962 legislation was primarily due to their 'whiteness'. It explores the significance of Northern Ireland's location in the United Kingdom for British policies in relation to citizens of the Irish Republic. The article ends by arguing that 'forced inclusion' within a national collectivity is no necessary protection against racialization, problematization and discrimination.

Abstract: In this paper I explore the emergence of women's organizations and feminist consciousness in the twentieth century in the English-speaking (Commonwealth) Caribbean. The global ideas concerning women's equality from the 1960s onwards clearly informed the initiatives taken by both women and states of the Caribbean. None the less, the paper illustrates, by use of examples, the interlocked nature of women's struggles with the economic, social and political issues which preoccupy the region's population. I examine in greater detail two case studies of women's activism and mobilization around the impact of structural adjustment policies in the two territories of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. By tracing the connections between and among the organizations and initiatives of women in the region, the paper situates the feminist movement in the English-speaking Caribbean as a continuously evolving one, fusing episodic struggles in different territories, engaging women of different classes and groups, and continuously building on past experience.

Abstract: The article provides an overview of the regional assessment and agreement process which is being conducted by the Commonwealth (i.e. federal) and State governments in the major forest regions of Australia. The context of the dominant position of the State in Australian forest management and its consequences are introduced. The acrimonious environmental conflicts over the use of the forests and the difficulties of resolving them led to a national forest policy in 1992 and joint Commonwealth-State regional planning. The processes of regional assessment are described and the difficulties of their hurried execution noted. The inter-governmental agreements which resulted reflect a remarkable transfer of Commonwealth environmental interests to the States and the apparent disabling of its environmental legislation for the forest sector in the regions concerned. They also reflect an apparent intention to maintain and improve the standard of environmental management.

Abstract: (1998). The first age of global imperialism, c. 1760–1830. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 26, Managing The Business of Empire, pp. 28-47.

Abstract: The agrarian economies of Central Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union are undergoing a systemic change and transformation. The region's agrarian economy is still struggling to adjust to economic reality. The region has a substantial part of the world's agricultural resources. Yet despite abundant natural resources, the region'still plays a small role in the world food trade. Overall the region continues to be a net importer of agricultural products. Perhaps the most significant structural change is that the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries, and Russia, in particular, have become one of the world's biggest meat importing regions. In place of massive grain imports characteristic of the Soviet period, Russia now mainly buys meat. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the process of sector transformation will probably be completed within the next four or five years. Together with the anticipated acceleration of general economic development, this could lead to the stabilization of food production, more efficient production, and a greater upswing driven by potential comparative advantages. It is far more difficult to predict changes in the CIS countries. It seems probable that further difficult years lie ahead for the sector in this region, compounded by the struggle between conservative and progressive forces. The reforms in many of these countries will probably continue to advance only slowly.

Abstract: (1998). The role, preparation and performance of civilian police in United Nations peacekeeping operations. Commonwealth Law Bulletin: Vol. 24, No. 3-4, pp. 1248-1316.

Abstract: At the heart of James Harrington's rhetorical aspiration in framing his most famous book lay a dilemma. Oceana appealed to ambition in order to incite an act of consummate self-effacement. Addressed to the Lord Protector, Oliver Cromwell, as he wrestled with the prospect of kingship, it appealed to his thirst for glory only in order to persuade him to suppress his own ambition and divest himself of power. Scipio was asked to become Lycurgus. However much the difficulties of the mid-1650s, the challenges of healing and settling, might encourage Cromwell to regard any reasonable scheme with hope, this remained an over-sanguine agenda. Furthermore, as the once reluctant regicide contemplated taking the steps to the throne as a final exercise in conservative post-revolutionary reconstruction, those schemes which smacked of levelling were presumably beyond the bounds of the reasonable. The good and great interest of the nation remained the hierarchy of ‘a nobleman, a gentleman and a yeoman’. In the crisis of 1649 it was Cromwell who had urged the Council of State to break those who advocated legal and religious equality. Yet the notion of equality was pivotal both to Harrington's republicanism and to his utopianism. Republics had failed historically precisely because they were unequal. The republic proposed for Oceana in 1656 could be perfect and immortal only because it was equal. The problem of Harrington's identification of equality as the essential feature of his republicanism has two dimensions. The more general one is that of its genesis and resonance in a society permeated with ideas of natural inequality, of hierarchy as the guarantor of order, and fearful of the association between levelling and anarchy.

Abstract: The Disadvantaged Schools Programme (DSP) is the longest‐running Commonwealth equity programme in Australian schooling. It provides extra funds to those schools serving the poorest students. Initially, the paper traces developments in the programme since its inception in 1974 against a backdrop of changing political contexts, from the Keynesian progressivism of Whitlam through the post‐Keynesian corporate managerialism and ‘national’ approaches in schooling of the Hawke and Keating Labour governments. The main focus of the paper is on the likely impact of changes to Commonwealth schools programmes introduced by the Howard Coalition government, whereby the DSP has been regrouped as a literacy programme and accountability requirements on the states have been considerably weakened, with the states given the option to ‘broadband’ the programme with English as a Second Language (General Support) and Early Literacy. Simultaneous with these changes have been the moves by all the state systems of schooling toward...

Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. Constitutional evolution of the states 3. The legislature 4. Legislative power 5. Repugnancy 6. Manner and form 7. Extraterritoriality 8. Executive power 9. Republic 10. Judicial protection 11. Commonwealth territories power 12. Commonwealth territories.

Abstract: The later precolonial history of a vast area in west central Africa between the Kwango and the Lubilash rivers starts with-and is dated by-the tradition of exodus of Kinguri and his companions from the heartland of the Lunda commonwealth.' For the last two decades, however, several scholars have claimed that this tradition is merely a later addition to the older body of the traditions told by a dozen or so different peoples in west central Africa. Yet so far no one has examined where and when and how the

Abstract: The first failure to steer Britain in the the European Communities - an introduction, George Wilkes. Part 1 The key actors at Brussels: a slow one hundred and eighty degree turn - British policy towards the Common Market, 1955-60, Richard Griffiths de Gaulle and the British "application" to join the Common market, Maurice Vaisse "masterminding " a new Western Europe - the key actors at Brussels in the superpower conflict, Gustav Schmidt. Part 2 Overcoming Britain's problems: Anglo-Commonwealth relations and EEC membership - the problem of the old dominions, Stuart Ward British agriculture and the Brussels negotiations - a problem of trust, N. Piers Ludlow legal problems for British accession, Karl Newman. Part 3 The breakdown and European Unity: the Fouchet negotiations for political union and the British application, Pierre Gerbet small state on the sidelines - Denmark and the question of European political integration, Hans Branner American "Europeanists", Monnet's action committeee and British membership, Pascaline Winand grand designs and the diplomatic breakdown, Oliver Bange eye-witness views of the Brussels breakdown, George Wilkes.

Abstract: Acknowledgements Note on Editions Used Introduction PART I: REPUBLICS - FAKE AND GENUINE Roman Frames of Mind 'Saying Something About Venice' PART II: THEATRICAL REPUBLICS The Alternative Commonwealth of Women Republicanism and Theatre The Republic in the Fair PART III: THEATRICAL COMMONWEALTHS AND COMMUNITIES The Commonwealth of Hell: The Devil is an Ass The Commonwealth of Paper: Print, News, and The Staple of News Alternative Societies: The New Inn and the Late Plays Local Government and Personal Rule in A Tale of a Tub Conclusion: The End of [T] his Commonwealth Does Not Forget the Beginning Notes Bibliography Index

Abstract: Why was Britain so reluctant to use the tools of cultural diplomacy for the cold war? First, the habits of administration and the effects of war encouraged a compartmentalization of effort. There was no obvious point at which to construct an overview or a strategy which could match the Soviet enterprise. Second, the dissolution of the empire exposed the racism and ethnic tensions which had existed in both the United Kingdom and its colonies. Policymakers appeared to be pursuing incompatible objectives. They found it difficult to think about post‐colonial influence except in terms of a policy for the Commonwealth, but also to construct such a line of action. The insubstantiality of cultural diplomacy is part of the trauma of losing great power status. Arab nationalism was the major force which prompted government into action on cultural affairs. Commitments were made before the military operations in Suez.

Abstract: Frontispiece Preface John Morrill Austin Woolrych: an appreciation Lesley le Claire 1. Secret alliance and Protestant agitation in two kingdoms: the early Caroline background to the Irish rebellion of 1641 John Reeve 2. Of armies and architecture: the employments of Robert Scawen John Adamson 3. George Digby, Royalist intrigue and the collapse of the cause Ian Roy 4. The iconography of revolution: England 1642-9 Ian Gentles 5. The casualties of war: treatment of the dead and wounded in the English Civil War Barbara Donagan 6. 'A bastard kind of militia', localism, and tactics in the second civil war Sarah Barber 7. Cromwell's commissioners for preserving the peace of the Commonwealth: a Staffordshire case study John Sutton 8. Colonel Gervase Benson, Captain John Archer and the corporation of Kendal, c.1644-55 C. B. Phillips 9. Repacifying the polity: the responses of Hobbes and Harrington to the 'crisis of the common law' Glenn Burgess 10. Equality in an unequal commonwealth: James Harrington's republicanism and the meaning of equality J. C. Davis 11 John Milton and Oliver Cromwell Blair Worden 12. From pillar to post: Milton and the attack on republican humanism at the Restoration Nicholas von Maltzahn 13. 'They that pursew perfaction on earth ...': the political progress of Robert Overton Barbara Taft 14. Locke no Leveller G. E. Aylmer A bibliography of the writings of Austin Woolrych, 1955-95 Sara Coombs Index.

Abstract: DR. MONTY L. LYNN IS ASSOCIATE Professor of Management and director of the MBA programme at Abilene Christian University, Texas, USA. This theoretical study attempts to sketch an initial picture of diversified micro- enterprises (0-9 employees) in transitional economies, such as those in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). A framework of political, economic and legal environments, industry and firm characteristics, and cultural/entrepreneurial influences which appear to impact small firm diversification patterns is outlined. Then, five archetypical formations of diversified micro-enterprises in transitional economies are sketched, and their incidence hypothesised. Suggestions for the successful management of diversified micro-enterprises are offered, as are directions for future research.

Abstract: Summaries This article arises from interviews in 1996 and 1997 with 550 under‐30‐year‐old entrepreneurs in seven former communist countries, three in the Commonwealth of Independent States (Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine) and four in East‐Central Europe (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia). Some distinctive features of small businesses in all the ex‐communist countries are noted, and nine inter‐related differences between small businesses and their proprietors in the former Soviet Union and East‐Central Europe are then identified. On the basis of the evidence presented it is argued that growth alone is likely to result in East‐Central Europe's businesses being progressively Westernised, whereas a rather different type of capitalism is the more likely outcome in the former Soviet Union.

Abstract: Donors claim that information about the fund-raising methods used by a charity is important to them, and the press periodically high lights fund-raising scandals and abuses, which fuels negative public attitudes. However, there is little systematic empirical research about fund-raising practices. This study examined professional solicitor contracts using information provided by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania's Bureau of Charitable Organizations. The nature of the contracts, the impact of these contractual arrangements on the amount of funds the clients ultimately receive, and the relationship between actual and predicted returns were examined. Results showed that charities using professional solicitors tended to be larger and concentrated in the advocacy, disease/disorder, and public safety subsectors. Most campaigns generated few contributions and resulted in a small return to the charity, with many charities receiving nothing from the solicitations made in their names. Solicitors compensated by fixed-...

Abstract: In November, 1996, the Fifth Meeting of the Commonwealth Ministers Responsible for Women's Affairs recommended that member countries be encouraged to achieve a target of not less than 30 per cent of women in decision-making in the political, public and private sectors by the year 2005. This is an ambitious target for, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the proportion of women involved in politics world-wide declined from 12.1 per cent in 1985 to 11 per cent in 1995. The situation throughout Africa is especially bleak for, as the following table indicates, with the notable exceptions of Mozambique, Seychelles, South Africa, Eritrea and Uganda, most African countries fall well below the world average.

Abstract: The British Labour government under Harold Wilson was involved in several attempts to negotiate an early end to the Vietnam War. Such efforts helped to satisfy critics of the war on the Labour left and in the Commonwealth, to neutralize US pressure to join in the conflict and to emphasize Britain's importance on the world stage. The Davies mission, in which a left-leaning junior minister was sent to Hanoi, was Wilson's most unusual peace bid which ended as a much-criticized fiasco. This story helps to illuminate Wilson's approach to foreign policy-making, the difficulty of pursuing talks without normal diplomatic relations and the obstacles preventing a Vietnam settlement in 1965. The reluctance of both Washington and Hanoi, as well as flaws in the mission's execution, condemned it to failure.

Abstract: Few anticipated the radical program of public sector reform introduced by the Kennett government. A commitment to downsizing, markets and privatisation has transformed employment relations in the Victorian public sector. Familiar institutions have disappeared, major employment areas have been restructured, and jurisdiction for much public sector industrial relations has been transferred to the Commonwealth. Despite some industrial unrest, and occasional successes, public sector unions have been unable to fend off this ideological assault on traditional patterns of public sector employment.