Abstract: This work provides a sweeping reinterpretation of America's cultural roots in the colonial past. The author focuses on enterprise in early New England and its relation to the prevailing culture of Puritanism. He finds in Massachusetts Bay a fierce devotion to God that fed a social commitment to engage the world and prosper. The result was a thriving capitalism and a dimishing devotion which alarmed Puritan leaders in the late 17th century. While telling the story of Massachusetts Bay's transformation from a resource-poor perch on the continent to an active international economy, Innes supplies detail on early New England's ironworks, fisheries, shipyards and the "scums and dreggs" who provided the labour for Puritan enterprise.

Abstract: Older people in the United States are living longer, staying healthier, and leaving the labor force earlier than ever before They have leisure time and are willing, able, and qualified to be productive members of society This book focuses on the contributions that many older people can and do make and the policy changes that are necessary to harness this productive capacity-for the good of the country and for the good of the individuals involved The contributors to this book-experts in economics, sociology, political science, social welfare, and policy studies-have drawn on new data from a survey of 2,999 Americans aged 55 and older conducted by Louis Harris Associates for The Commonwealth Fund One chapter also analyzes results from a cross-national survey of 900 people aged 65 and older in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, West Germany, and Japan According to the findings, three out of four older Americans are actively engaged in working for pay, volunteering for organizations, caring for sick or disabled relatives or friends, or helping their children or grandchildren Many are involved in several of these activities The book thus corrects the stereotypes of seniors as affluent retirees or frail dependents, providing a more accurate description of older people's interests and activities It also assesses the economic value of their productivity and recommends ways to facilitate their involvement in the work force Copublished with The Commonwealth Fund

Abstract: The author examines the formation of British identity, looking at the interaction of ‘the British’ with the Celtic fringe, the Dominions, the Commonwealth, Anglophone America, Europe and peoples described in immigration law as ‘aliens’. He argues that the core identity is constructed in the course of interactions (sometimes hostile) with these externalized identities. The frontiers between identities are often ‘fuzzy’, allowing a degree of penetration by outsiders. The concept of ‘fuzziness’ is elaborated. The shape and edges of British identity are shown to be historically changing, often vague and to a degree, malleable. It is suggested that the move away from the Dominions and Commonwealth to Europe has contributed to a crisis of national identity.

Abstract: (1995). Statist democracy and the limits to civil society in Malaysia. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 33, No. 3, pp. 335-356.

Abstract: If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.

Abstract: A historical account of the fundamental changes in Australian education policies for schooling during the period of the establishment and abolition of the Schools Commission.

Abstract: Lionel Curtis C.H. once counted among the great and the good, working behind the scenes of international politics and honoured as the 'pioneer of a great idea' - international federation as the natural successor to empire. He advocated federation as the way to create a new South Africa after the Boer War; he called for self-government in India in 1912; in 1921 he was instrumental in attempting to pacify the Irish Troubles by treating Eire as if it were a self-governing Commonwealth Dominion. He went on to preach the conversion of the Empire-Commonwealth into a multinational federation, which, in association with the United States, would serve as a model for a united Europe, and even for world government. He founded the Round Table think-tank, the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House, and the Oxford Society. He lobbied indefatigably for his vision of the Commonwealth as a new world order, to be more effective that the League of Nations in making wars obsolete. In the process, he exasperated nationalists and imperialists alike as a prophet of apparently lost causes. He deserves to be remembered not only for what he achieved but for what he was: the bore who never lost a friend; the optimist who stuck to his belief when all was lost, the third-class scholar who became a Fellow of All Souls; the visionary riding his hobby-horse into the drawing rooms of high political society and yet invited affectionately to return. The remarkable character of the man and the influence he exerted on the history of the Empire and Commonwealth are explored in this authoritative biography.

Abstract: THE ISSUE OF JURISDICTIONAL DIVISION of decision-making authority between central and regional governments is one of the basic constitutional questions facing new states. In Ukraine the constitutional debate over the appropriate division of authority is being complicated by strained relations with Russia. The areas of tension between Russia and Ukraine that have a direct impact on the unitary versus federal state debate include Russia's desire to maintain the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in the face of Ukrainian resistance to inter-republic non-economic coordination, the Russian parliament's claim to the territory of Crimea and the Ukrainian parliament's rejection of this claim, and unresolved issues of military security, including the questions of nuclear disarmament and the division of the Black Sea fleet. As long as Russia is unwilling to accept Ukraine's fully independent status', constitutional questions will continue to be considered in an atmosphere saturated with Russian influences. For some Ukrainians this Russian pressure for reunification is perceived as highly intimidating and the pressure produces an atmosphere of being in a constant state of siege. Just as Stalin brought forth the notion of 'capitalist encirclement' to justify state of emergency policies, some Ukrainian leaders have put forward a discourse that implies a kind of 'Russian encirclement'.2 Other Ukrainian leaders, in contrast, sympathise with the Russian presence and believe that Ukraine could be stronger (as it was before) through renewed cooperation with Russia. Support for greater integration within the CIS can be contrasted with concerns that Russia's hegemonic actions threaten the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. In such a politically charged environment, individual perceptions of Russian-Ukrainian relations will have an impact on decisions made about the territorial distribution of political authority. In this article we evaluate the degree to which perceptions of Russian-Ukrainian relations vary significantly by region within Ukraine. Our assumption is that one's cost-benefit calculus associated with closer versus more distant cooperation between Russia and Ukraine depends directly upon where in Ukraine one resides. We hypothesise that territorial divisions characteristic of Ukraine serve to structure not only attitudes toward the degree of independence that is best for Ukraine (and thus the form that relations with Russia should take), but also attitudes toward the division

Abstract: This essay places the contemporary period of global development in long-run historical perspective, elaborates a model of world-system cycles and trends, and discusses the main structural forces influencing the probability of future war among core powers. The possible continuation of the cycle of hegemonic rivalry is discussed in terms of the similarities and differences between the coming three decades and earlier periods in which a declining hegemon was challenged by upwardly mobile states. Possible bids for economic and political hegemony by Japan, Germany, China and the United States are discussed, as are the possibilities for different coalitions in East Asia and Europe. The phenomenon of bloc formation is discussed in a long-term perspective that includes earlier periods of colonial empire and "commonwealth." We conclude that there is a significantly high probability that warfare among core states could occur in the 2020s. The prospects for global state formation within the next three decades are considered. We recommend a combination of the build-up of U.N. peace-keeping forces and the continuation of U.S. military strength as the least worst and most feasible solution to the problem of avoiding nuclear holocaust in the 2020s.

Abstract: Introduction Russia and Peacekeeping in Eurasia (Lena Jonson and Clive Archer.) Russian Interventionism In Eurasia The Military Background and Context to Russian Peacekeeping (Roy Allison.) The Russian Domestic Debate on Policy Towards the Near Abroad (Alexander A. Pikayev.) The Influence of the Balkan Crisis on Russias Peacekeeping in Its Near Abroad (Pavel Baev.) Case Studies Of Russian Peacekeeping The Case of Tajikistan (Iver B. Neumann and Sergei Solodovnik.) The Case of Transdniestr (Moldova) (Jeff Chinn.) The Case of Abkhazia (Georgia) (Catherine Dale.) The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh (Azerbaijan) (Dimitry Furman and Carl Johan senius.) Multilateral Security Organisations For Peacekeeping In Eurasia The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) (Anna Kreikemeyer and Andrei V. Zagorski.) The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) (Piotr Switalski and Ingrid Tersman.) The United Nations (UN) (Paul Taylor and Karen Smith.) NATO, NACC and the Partnership for Peace (Nelson Drew.).

Abstract: People of non-European origin from Commonwealth countries have predominated in postwar immigration to the United Kingdom. That migration neutralized the previously dominant pattern of emigration an...

Abstract: FOLLOWING THE 1989-90 SYSTEMIC TRANSFORMATION in Central and Eastern Europe, 'second-generation' elections have now been held in most post-communist stateswith varying results In Lithuania and Poland politicians with their roots in the former communist parties regained power in 1993 In Hungary the first democratic coalition government was relatively stable, completing its constitutional mandate for 1990-94, but significant political fermentation became increasingly visible The 1994 elections replaced the ruling coalition with a socialist majority in a landslide with potentially far-reaching regional consequences The objective of the present study is the analysis of the Hungarian second-generation elections and the assessment of the projected future trajectory of the new political constellation The genealogy of post-communist pluralism Hungary has led the process of transformation in the communist commonwealth since the 1956 revolution The 1968 economic reforms, unique in scope at that time, and the gradual liberalisation in the 1970s exposed Hungary to the risk of Soviet pressure for greater conformity However, Janos Kadair's political acumen made it possible for the regime to go to the potential limits, yet avoid major danger Amidst the growing political restlessness of Central and Eastern Europe in the early 1980s, the 1985 Hungarian elections represented a qualitative change: voters were able to nominate/ elect candidates of their own choosing, something without precedent in marxist-leninist states' The new parliament, whose membership remained predominantly communist, exhibited independence from the beginning, gradually evolving into a legislature which became a willing partner in the opposition's struggle to bring about a systemic change2 With the removal of the Kadair entourage from power in 1988, the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP)3 moved-partly under pressure from the nascent opposition groups-to surrender monolithic power and accept a pluralist system-a historic first in Eastern Europe Subsequently the opposition groups and the ruling party concluded a compromise legalising parties: Parliament passed the new electoral law in autumn 1989, and scheduled national elections for March 19904 These elections, with the exception of the special East German case, were the first pluralist elections in Central and Eastern Europe This resulted in the ascendancy of the centre-right political forces and the formation of a coalition government led by the

Abstract: This book provides the first detailed examination of the Attlee government's rejection of British participation in the Schuman Plan in 1950, which proposed the establishment of a common market for steel and coal as a way of avoiding future Franco-German conflict. This also represented Britain's rejection of a leading role in fashioning European political and economic intergration. Many received myths are contested: the Schuman Plan was not a bolt from the blue; domestic political circumstances did not make it impossible for Britain to join; participation would not have been incompatible with Britain's global and Commonwealth roles. Edmund Dell assesses Ernest Bevin's conduct as Foreign Secretary during this last year of his life: in declining health but still believing himself indispensable, he was arrogantly mistaken about the Schuman plan and lacked colleagues of comparable stature able to tell him he was wrong. The only hope was Stafford Cripps, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he was on the point of resignation due to ill-health and lacked the energy to press his doubts. Ministerial inadequacy was compounded by the Foreign Office, the leading officials in which were no less arrogant and quite as blind to the implications of the proposal. The consequence was a major policy failure which has influenced Britain's relations with its European partners right up to the present. Edmund Dell works with archival evidence, and the memoirs of participants, to place these events in the context of the 'big questions' dominating British policy formation: security, the dollar shortage, and the difficult relationship with an American administration intent both on attacking the sterling area and pressing for European federation. The result is an incisive revaluation of a key episode in post-war European history.

Abstract: The Inaugural Conference of CAPAM, the Commonwealth Association for Public Administration and Management, held in Charlottetown, Canada in August 1994, was the first time in the history of the Commonwealth that a high-level conference addressed itself exclusively to issues of public management. This Conference was not an official Commonwealth ministers' meeting because CAPAM is a voluntary association of individuals and organisations having an interest in the practice, study, and improvement of public management. Nevertheless, as the list of speakers included two current prime ministers, seven current or former ministers, and 15 current or former permanent secretaries or agency heads, the CAPAM Conference had the breadth of perspective and sophistication of discourse that would characterise a ministerial conclave.

Abstract: (1995) Sepoys, soldiers and the Lash: Race, Caste and Army Discipline in India, 1820–50 The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol 23, No 2, pp 211-247

Abstract: This book provides the first detailed examination of the Attlee government's rejection of British participation in the Schuman Plan in 1950, which proposed the establishment of a common market for steel and coal as a way of avoiding future Franco-German conflict. This also represented Britain's rejection of a leading role in fashioning European political and economic intergration. Many received myths are contested: the Schuman Plan was not a bolt from the blue; domestic political circumstances did not make it impossible for Britain to join; participation would not have been incompatible with Britain's global and Commonwealth roles. Edmund Dell assesses Ernest Bevin's conduct as Foreign Secretary during this last year of his life: in declining health but still believing himself indispensable, he was arrogantly mistaken about the Schuman plan and lacked colleagues of comparable stature able to tell him he was wrong. The only hope was Stafford Cripps, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he was on the point of resignation due to ill-health and lacked the energy to press his doubts. Ministerial inadequacy was compounded by the Foreign Office, the leading officials in which were no less arrogant and quite as blind to the implications of the proposal. The consequence was a major policy failure which has influenced Britain's relations with its European partners right up to the present. Edmund Dell works with archival evidence, and the memoirs of participants, to place these events in the context of the 'big questions' dominating British policy formation: security, the dollar shortage, and the difficult relationship with an American administration intent both on attacking the sterling area and pressing for European federation. The result is an incisive revaluation of a key episode in post-war European history.

Abstract: Contemporary issues in British citizenship laws the growth of immigration controls in Britain Britain and the Commonwealth freedom of movement in Europe immigration control and the legal process - the administrative system and personnel, the immigraiton rules and their application.

Abstract: Few countries in the world can claim to be free from corruption and none of these is to be found in Commonwealth Africa. Even though administrative incorruptibility was one of the boasts of the British colonial service, low-level corruption was common during the colonial period and indeed served to bolster the colonial system. Since African states obtained political independence, levels of corruption have markedly increased, regardless of official ideology or economic approach, and in many countries corruption is both pervasive and endemic. Changes of government are often accompanied and, in the case of military coups, justified by commitments to eradicate the corrupt practices that allegedly characterized the previous regime. Corruption is an obstacle to economic development and to political integration, and most African governments (cynically or not) avow the need to combat it. Pressure on governments to act has increased in recent years and comes from two sources. The emergence of pro-democracy forces has drawn large numbers of people into the arena of political debate and organization and this in turn has led to demands for openness and accountability on the part of government. Moreover, foreign donors and international financial institutions are today less willing to condone corrupt practices on the part of African governments. They stress the importance of good governance and accountability and the need to link economic reconstruction with institutional reform.

Abstract: Abstract This book seeks to rationalize the position of the doctrine of subrogation within the general law of restitution. Within a systematic analytical framework, it gives a full account of the developing English and Commonwealth law of subrogation, and a selctive use is also made of United States decisions. A number of false assumptions which have entered the case-law are exposed, and the principles upon which subrogation should be awarded are set on a regular basis. Subrogation is a remedy which can be awarded in many different contexts, and this definitive account will be useful not only to restitution lawyers, but also to academics and practitioners concerned with the law of property, commercial law (in particular, the law of insurance, bills of exchange, and principal and surety), and even family law.

Abstract: The deployment of Black American service personnel in Australia from December 1941 challenged the basic precepts on which Commonwealth legislative and administrative policies were constructed. Commitment to racial homogeneity had, since 1901, demonstrated that bipartisan agreement and cooperation, at the political level, was possible over such a cardinal policy and practice. Certainly, no other issue in Australian politics and society could surmount class, gender, regional, and sectional interests so unanimously as adherence to strict principles of racial exclusiveness. The crisis of imminent invasion and the concomitant dependence and subordination to the United States in the early months of 1942 forged new imperatives and redirected standard approaches and priorities. The Commonwealth government's capitulation to the wider claims and powers of American policy directives starkly illustrates both the flexibility and the endurance of Australian internal procedures. Having been forced to accept the presence of Black GIs, both the Commonwealth and Queensland governments negotiated and established complex, interlinking patterns of segregation to contain this unwanted inclusion in the Allied forces. Aware of Australia's defenselessness and vulnerability, with the Second Australian Imperial Force stationed in the Middle East from 1939 to late 1941, many Australians had initially regarded their Pacific Allies as omnipotent saviors; but the inclusion of Black

Abstract: The constitutional crisis in the Malaysian state of Sabah in March 1994, in which the recently elected PBS government was unseated by defections from the governing party to the opposition, was a defeat for constitutional democracy. However, the ensuing litigation concerning the effect of the resignation of the Chief Minister on the tenure of Cabinet members represents a further step in the development of judicial control over the operation of conventions in the Westminster‐model constitutions of the Commonwealth. Political instability in states such as Sabah is best contained by the enactment of an anti‐party‐hopping statute.

Abstract: Winner of the Best Book for the African category of the 1994 Commonwealth Writers Prize, this novel was banned by the Mauritius Government when it was first published. Sita struggles to remember her own history and her own rape, which comes to symbolize all rapes, all violations, all colonizations.

Abstract: (1995). Political strategies of British business during decolonization: The case of the Gold Coast/Ghana, 1945–57. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 277-300.