TL;DR: The Commonwealth of Oceana A System of Politics Index as mentioned in this paper is a system of politics index for the Oceania region of Australia and New Zealand, developed in the 1970s and 1980s.
Abstract: Preface Introduction Chronology Bibliography The Commonwealth of Oceana A System of Politics Index.
TL;DR: The Dutch Revolt and the history of European political thought are discussed in this article, with a focus on the case of reformed protestantism and the political justification of the Dutch revolt.
Abstract: Preface List of abbreviations 1. Introduction 2. The Dutch Revolt: historical contexts 3. Religion and resistance: the case of reformed protestantism 4. Politics and resistance: the political justification of the Dutch Revolt 5. From revolt to republic: the quest for the best state of the commonwealth (1578-1590) 6. Politics and religion (1572-1590): the debates on religious toleration and the substance of liberty 7. Conclusions: the Dutch Revolt and the history of European political thought Appendix Bibliography Index.
TL;DR: InspInspired by "The Tempest", the novelist rewrites the drama of Ariel, Caliban and Sycorax in a Caribbean setting, exploring the colonial conflicts of an imaginary island and one family as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Inspired by "The Tempest", the novelist rewrites the drama of Ariel, Caliban and Sycorax in a Caribbean setting, exploring the colonial conflicts of an imaginary island and one family. The author's previous novel "The Lost Father" was Regional Winner of the Commonwealth Writers' Prize.
TL;DR: The British Cabinet Government has been designed as a textbook for undergraduates and A-level students as mentioned in this paper, which provides a clear and timely assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of this central aspect of British politics, together with an analysis of proposed reforms.
Abstract: British Cabinet Government has been designed as a textbook for undergraduates and A-level students. It provides a clear and timely assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of this central aspect of British politics, together with an analysis of proposed reforms. Drawing on a wealth of new material that has become available during the 1980s, this book examines the growth of pressures on the Cabinet system since 1945. It traces the decline in the role of the Cabinet, the growth of powerful committees, and the predominance of the Prime Minister, most dramatically apparent during Mrs Thatcher's tenure of Downing Street. Simon James analyses the balance of power between ministers and civil servants, the complex and sometimes prickly relations between Prime Ministers and their colleagues, and the ways in which foreign, economic and domestic policies are decided. He examines the impact upon the Cabinet of EC membership and compares the British experience to cabinets in other European and Commonwealth countries. The author also identifies weaknesses in the system - pressures on ministers, the fragmentation of decision-making, and the lack of strategic focus in the system - and examines various innovations to remedy these faults, including the Cabinet Office, the think tank' and the Prime Minister's policy unit.
TL;DR: In 1992, International efforts to combat money laundering Commonwealth Law Bulletin: Vol 18, No 3, pp 1129-1142 as discussed by the authors, the authors published a survey of international efforts to fight money laundering.
Abstract: (1992) International efforts to combat money laundering Commonwealth Law Bulletin: Vol 18, No 3, pp 1129-1142
TL;DR: The notion of domestic and political life was introduced in the legal definition of petty treason by King Edward III in 1352 with 25 Edward III and continued through the following centuries until this statute was repealed in 1858 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: household and the commonwealth, and the fluid boundaries between domestic and political life that this analogy revealed, found their most vivid manifestation in the legal definition of petty treason. Statutes of the realm, beginning in 1352 with 25 Edward III and continuing through the following centuries until this statute was repealed in 1858, constructed a wife's murder of her husband or a servant's murder of his master as a kind of
TL;DR: For instance, the U.S. educational system is based on a liberal arts philosophy, while those of Eastern Europeans and Germans follow Humboldt's philosophy of specialization beginning at a very early age and continuing on through the workplace as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Executive Overview People of the Commonwealth of Independent States are well educated. Managers at all levels of business and government hold the equivalent of an American Master's degree in their academic specialization. Management is not a specialization there, nor a profession, but rather a function. Continuing education is legislated into the business and economic sectors, even info joint ventures. A vast array of schools and programs are organized into a sophisticated infrastructure of management education. Eastern Europeans are proud of these achievements and are moving rapidly to modernize and expand them further. Many of their cultural and societal values clash with ours, however. For instance, the U.S. educational system is based on a liberal arts philosophy. While those of Eastern Europeans and Germans follow Humboldt's philosophy of specialization beginning at a very early age and continuing on through the workplace. Therefore, our management concepts must be adapted to fit their work culture a...
TL;DR: The challenge of wilderness The value of the wilderness resource Romantic visions and national monuments - the wilderness concept in 19th-century Australia Bushwalkers, national parks and the vision splendid The politics of preservation - from Little Desert to Franklin From concern to obligation - international agreements and the powers of the Commonwealth Regimes of control - The World Heritage Convention in Australia The geography of hope - a National Wilderness Preservation System as discussed by the authors
Abstract: The challenge of wilderness The value of the wilderness resource Romantic visions and national monuments - the wilderness concept in 19th-century Australia Bushwalkers, national parks and the vision splendid The politics of preservation - from Little Desert to Franklin From concern to obligation - international agreements and the powers of the Commonwealth Regimes of control - The World Heritage Convention in Australia The geography of hope - a National Wilderness Preservation System
TL;DR: British analyst Michael Drummond offers his assessment of the Australian guidelines, followed by comments from American researchers Bernard Bloom and Deborah Freund and colleagues.
Abstract: In the summer of 1990 Australia gave notice that it would soon require evidence that new medicines were cost-effective before it would allow payment for these medicines under the commonwealth's pub...
TL;DR: The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 370-390 as discussed by the authors is a collection of articles about the British Empire from 1780 to 1914.
Abstract: (1992). Religion and empire: British expansion in the long nineteenth century, 1780–1914. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 370-390.
TL;DR: The authors examine the attitudes of and the interaction among the British Cabinet, the Foreign and Colonial Offices in formulating a policy toward Canada in this era, and demonstrate that the transition to Commonwealth was neither inevitable nor smooth.
Abstract: During the first decade after the Great War, the relationship between Great Britain and Canada underwent profound changes: these years were significant in the transition of the British Empire to Commonwealth. One of these changes included Canada's severance from formal imperial diplomatic unity. From 1919 to 1928, Canada established the same complete control over its external affairs which it already enjoyed in its domestic affairs. Canada's break from imperial foreign policy was a major factor in Canada's evolution from subordinate status with respect to Britain to one of equality. As the senior Dominion, the action Canada took against Britain, by confronting Britain repeatedly in matters of foreign policy, made Canada a leader in the transition to Commonwealth. Events leading to Canada's legal disassociation from imperial foreign policy began with Resolution IX of the Imperial War Conference of 1917. Although recognition of changes in the imperial relationship came with the Balfour Declaration of 1926, it was the appointment of the first British High Commissioner to Ottawa in 1928 which confirmed Britain's participation in a new relationship with Canada. Resolution IX acknowledged that circumstances had changed in British-Dominion relations. The struggles over imperial foreign policy between 1919 and 1928 assisted in establishing the principle of equal status between Britain and the Dominions. These conflicts contributed to defining the evolution of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in its formal, legal sense. The Canadian involvement in these encounters has received a great deal of attention whereas the same cannot be said of the British side. Most historical writings have assumed that the reactions of Britain were consistently conservative and passive. The common supposition was that Britain reacted only when pressured by Canada. By reviewing these confrontations from the British perspective, this study will examine the attitudes of and the interaction among the British Cabinet, the Foreign and Colonial Offices in formulating a policy toward Canada in this era, and demonstrate that the transition to Commonwealth was neither inevitable nor smooth.
TL;DR: Gorbachev's reform programmes introduced elements of democracy, press and other freedoms, economic experimentation, and collaboration in international affairs hitherto unknown in that country as discussed by the authors, but failed due to lack of experience in true democratic processes, the working of a market economy, and the opposition of hard-line opponents in the Party, the Security Services and the armed forces.
TL;DR: The reasons why Conservative governments in the 1950s decided not to proceed with legislation to restrict immigration from the Commonwealth as mentioned in this paper, which paved the way to the passage of the Commonwealth Immigration Act in 1962 which finally ended unrestricted entry.
Abstract: The article seeks to establish the reasons why Conservative governments in the 1950s decided not to proceed with legislation to restrict immigration from the Commonwealth in the 1950s. It is thus particularly concerned with the debates about proposals that were put before the Eden cabinet in 1955 and the subsequent postponement of any decision to take action.The various constraints such as the need to placate opinion in the African and West Indian colonies, a strong desire to present an enlightened view of conservatism at home and abroad and uncertainties about possible reactions which could be exploited by their Labour opponents, are examined. It is argued that these factors outweighed the arguments of senior figures in government urging a speedy response to pressures building up for restrictions within the parliamentary backbenches and in a number of constituencies. The significance of the race riots that took place in Nottingham and the Notting Hill district of London are discussed.The article concludes that many of the factors which had contributed to a delay in imposing restrictions were seen, at the beginning of the 1960s, to possess less relevance than in the previous decade. This paved the way to the passage of the Commonwealth Immigration Act in 1962 which finally ended unrestricted entry.
TL;DR: In the early 1970s, a kaleidoscopic pattern of events in Soviet politics makes analysis of them a hazardous endeavor, but it is imperative to try to interpret the radical change that has come with more than six years of perestroika, punctuated by an abortive coup in August 1991, the recognition of the independence of the former Baltic republics, and the transition from the Soviet Union to a commonwealth of independent states.
Abstract: T HE kaleidoscopic pattern of events in Soviet politics makes analysis of them a hazardous endeavor, but it is imperative to try to interpret the radical change that has come with more than six years of perestroika, punctuated by an abortive coup in August 1991, the recognition of the independence of the former Baltic republics, and the transition from the Soviet Union to a commonwealth of independent states. At the same time, the breakdown of the old political system offers unprecedented opportunities, first, to reassess some of our older analytic concepts and second, to think tentatively about some new approaches. The totalitarian model essentially dominated Western analysis until the early 1960s, when several new paradigms were proposed. T. H. Rigby's "organizational society,"' Alfred Meyer's "USSR, Incorporated" model,2 and Carl Linden's conflict model' were among the first such attempts to reconceptualize Soviet politics. Rigby suggested that political systems can be "traditional" (based on "custom") or "contract" (based on "markets") or "organizational" (based on "command"). And of course, in the developmental process elements of two or all three types may be found in a single polity. The Soviet Union, in his view, "is one of the most highly developed. . . 'organizational' societies." Meyer emphasized the organizational aspect as well, treating the USSR as one big corporation. Both scholars emphasized the continuity of the enormous state role in the economy and society together with the abrupt decline of Stalin's terror. And they were concerned with how power might diffuse within the massive bureaucratic structures. Linden focused exclusively on the changing politics at the top, finding conflict among cliques of leaders that
TL;DR: Neoliberal development economics as mentioned in this paper is a generic mono-economics that is defined as " Unleash the power of market forces and reduce the state's role in the economic sphere, or, where that is not possible, at a minimum ensure that state policy is applied equally to all actors".
Abstract: It is a long way in both time and tenor from the first wave of thought about development found in the works of Gunnar Myrdal, Albert Hirschman, Rautl Prebisch, and Dudley Seers to the post1970s brand of neoliberal development economics offered by Gillis et al., Deepak Lal, Anne Krueger, and Jeffrey Sachs, for example. The early work on development was grounded in experience that resulted in cautious theorizing and generalization. Neoliberal development economics is significantly more sweeping in scope, more theoretical, and less burdened by historical or empirical specificity. It is a generic monoeconomics. The formula for development is devastatingly simple: Unleash the power of market forces and reduce the state's role in the economic sphere, or, where that is not possible, at a minimum ensure that state policy is applied equally to all actors. Neoliberal development thought rules not only in the academy, but is the major force behind the shift in economic policymaking in the Commonwealth of Independent States and in Eastern Europe. In Latin America, the neoliberal agenda has been applied to individual countries since the mid-1980s and is now driving the rush toward hemispheric economic integration with the United
TL;DR: In this article, the British and Indian armies and North-West frontier warfare, 1849-1914, were studied in the Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 35-64.
Abstract: (1992). The British and Indian armies and North‐West frontier warfare, 1849–1914. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 35-64.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the institutional arrangements of a multilateral payments union for the Commonwealth of Independent States and discuss the risks of a non-cooperative solution, which would lead to serious liquidity and solvency problems and thus curtail inter-republican trade by a widespread system of bilateralism.
Abstract: The paper discusses the institutional arrangements of a multilateral payments union for the Commonwealth of Independent States. It starts with an analysis of the risks of a non-cooperative solution, which would lead to serious liquidity and solvency problems and thus curtail inter-republican trade by a widespread system of bilateralism. A possible solution to these problems is an internal fixed exchange rate system along the lines of the EMS. The feasibility of this arrangement depends above all on Russia's ability to pursue non-inflationary monetary and fiscal policies. If this approach is not adopted and if most republics peg their currencies to the ECU, the transactions and precautionary demand for reserves can be considerably reduced by a multilateral payments union, which acts as a common clearing house and provides a common credit facility to its members. While Russia, the prospective creditor, would have to be willing to provide a part of its multilateral surplus as a credit to debtor republics, a financial contribution of $3-4 billion from the West would be required in order to limit the burden to be borne by Russia. As the transition to world market prices for energy would lead to unsustainable current account deficits for several republics at present consumption levels, a payments union can only be introduced after the adoption of comprehensive stabilization programmes in the potential member countries. Otherwise the quotas of the union would be rapidly exhausted, and the system would cease to have a significant economic effect.
TL;DR: The offshore has been the centre of intergovernmental interaction in Australia for over twenty-five years yet has remained a neglected topic in studies of Australian federalism as discussed by the authors. But the OCS is a complex intergovernmental arrangement, which returned jurisdiction to the States from low water mark to three nautical miles offshore following the High Court's decision in the Seas and Submerged Lands case of December 1975, which upheld Commonwealth jurisdiction from low-water mark to 3 nautical mile offshore.
Abstract: The offshore has been the centre of intergovernmental interaction in
Australia for over twenty-five years yet has remained a neglected topic in
studies of Australian federalism. This study examines the development
and implementation of a complex intergovernmental arrangement, the
Offshore Constitutional Settlement (OCS), which returned jurisdiction to
the States from low water mark to three nautical miles offshore following
the High Court's decision in the Seas and Submerged Lands case of
December 1975, which upheld Commonwealth jurisdiction from low water
mark. The OCS was established, after lengthy intergovernmental
interaction, in 1979 with what were termed "agreed arrangements"
implemented between 1983 and 1990.
The most visible element of offshore resource policy in the period
following the Second World War is the the continual expansion of the
Commonwealth's interests. To focus solely on this expansion gives a
limited explanation for the development of intergovernmental agreements
such as the OCS which reflect the complexities of interaction between the
Commonwealth and the States. A central concern of this study is to
examine the factors contributing to the development of the OCS,
particularly the extent to which State governments were dominant actors in
the negotiations and in the implementation of the "agreed arrangements". The study utilises an analytical framework which allows the examination of
institutions and processes by which the States have been able to limit, or
counter, the effective reach of increased Commonwealth constitutional
power and influence and which act as parameters for intergovernmental
interaction in this policy area. In structuring relations between the
Commonwealth and States offshore these parameters not only emphasise
the significance of a States' constitutional and political bases, but- also
identify elements of intergovernmental interaction which counter the
more visible expansion of Commonwealth activity. The OCS is thus an
outcome -of the evolution (or "ebb and flow") of Australian federalism
offshore in which the States remain important actors; an evolution shaped
by the impact of the constitutional division of powers, judicial review of
jurisdictional disputes, and Australia's responsibilities in relation to the
emergent international law of the sea.
TL;DR: A discussion of the health of representative government in America today through an analysis of the contemporary character of state legislatures can be found in this paper, where Greenawalt, II and G. Terry Madonna discuss the state legislatures in America.
Abstract: This is a discussion of the health of representative government in America today through an analysis of the contemporary character of state legislatures. During the last 20 years the states have undergone a major transformation as legislatures have come to resemble more and more the U.S. Congress. Now the sort of problems that plague Congress also plague the states. As professional politicians prosper, representative government suffers. Contents: Representation; Federalism; The Transformation of State Legislatures; The Changing of the Legislature in Four States: The Massachusetts General Court and the Commonwealth's Political Crisis, Jeffrey Leigh Sedgwick; The Pennsylvania General AssemblyoThe House of Ill Repute Revisited, Charles E. Greenawalt, II and G. Terry Madonna; California: The Not-So-Golden State Legislature, Sherry Jeffe; The New Scalawags: How the South Carolina Legislature Really Works, Richard Moore; Tables; Reforming State Legislatures. Co-published with the Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a survey of democracy under the Raj and separate representation in British India, focusing on elections and elections in South-east Asia, including India and Pakistan.
Abstract: (1992). ‘Democracy’ under the Raj: Elections and separate representation in British India. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 30, Democracy in South Asia, pp. 39-63.
TL;DR: The historical and cultural context of post-perestroika and post-Soviet politics is discussed in this article, with a focus on a participatory and participatory political system.
Abstract: Part 1 The historical and cultural context: towards a post-Soviet politics?, S. White the crisis of Marxism-Leninism, A.B. Evans Jr. Part 2 The contemporary political system: executive power and political leadership, J.P. Willerton Jr the Communist Party and after, R.J. Hill state institutions in transition, J.W. Hahn the rule of law and the legal system, W.E. Butler nations, republics and commonwealth, Z. Gitelman towards a participatory politics?, T.F. Remington "glasnost" and the media, D.W. Benn. Part 3 Patterns of public policy: economic crisis and reform, P. Rutland social change and social policy, M. Buckley the politics of foreign policy, A. Pravda. Part 4 Perspectives on Soviet and post-Soviet politics: post-perestroika - revolution from above vs revolution from below, D. Mandel reconceptualizing the Soviet system, T.H.Rigby.
TL;DR: The Association of Commonwealth Universities (ACU) as discussed by the authors is a registered charity in the United Kingdom that promotes the movement of academic and administrative staff between Commonwealth universities by helping member institutions to fill vacant academic posts and by a variety of programmes including: travelling fellowships for senior academics with administrative responsibilities and for senior administrators.
Abstract: A registered charity in the United Kingdom. The Association’s membership consists of university institutions located in Commonwealth countries. The aim of the ACU is to promote contact and co-operation between the universities of the Commonwealth. It does this in a number of practical ways: it promotes the movement of academic and administrative staff between Commonwealth universities by helping member institutions to fill vacant academic posts and by a variety of programmes including: travelling fellowships for senior academics with administrative responsibilities and for senior administrators; academic exchanges between member institutions in developing countries; the ACU/Carnegie senior fellowships for academic staff in universities in the Caribbean and Sub- Saharan Africa; and the ACU Development Fellowships, which also encourage movement between universities andprivate or public sector organizations. It assists the mobility of students between countries through its administration of several scholarship programmes, including the British part of the Commonwealth Scholarship and Fellowship Plan (CSFP); the ODA Shared Scholarship Scheme; the Canada Memorial Foundation Scholarships; and the Commonwealth Foundation Medical Electives Bursaries. It provides information about the universities of the Commonwealth, and about fellowships and scholarships for travel between them, through its publications and a personal information service; and disseminates information about higher education policies, practice and new developments. It organizes conferences in many parts of the world: Council seminars, executive heads’ conferences, quinquennial congresses and (for women university staff from developing countries) workshops.
TL;DR: Woodsworth is regarded as one of the half-dozen most important national political figures in twentieth-century Canadian history as mentioned in this paper, and a critical account of the Woodsworth legacy and revising the received opinion of him as a man of unbending conviction and ever-coherent principle.
Abstract: James Shaver Woodsworth (1874-1942) stands as one of the half-dozen most important national political figures in twentieth-century Canadian history. Allen Mills acknowledges his outstanding achievements while providing a critical account of the Woodsworth legacy and revising the received opinion of him as a man of unbending conviction and ever-coherent principle. A product of western Canada's pioneer society and a stern Methodist household, Woodsworth grew up to make his way into social service and politcal action. A member of parliament for over twenty years, he rejected the traditional forms of political activity, seeking a new politics and a new political party. The latter turned out to be the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation founded in 1932. Its first leader was Woodsworth himself. In a crucial period between the World Wars, Woodsworth helped define the character of the modern Canadian, non-Marxist Left and of many of Canada's important economic and social institutions. Among them are the welfare state, the Bank of Canada, and Canada's internationalist role in the contemporary world.
TL;DR: The background to the economic crisis in the 1980s and the Prospects facing Caribbean States issues in the reform of the policy framework Savings, investment and growth trends and Determinants in Selected Caribbean Countries in Recent Years Further Aspects of the Public Finance Issues The Issue of Privatization The Exchange Rate Controversy Selected Issues and Problems in External Adjustments The Capital Transfer Problem Concluding Observations Appendix I: Trinidad and Tobago's First Letter of Intent (Nov. 16, 1988) to the IMF Appendix II: Ireland's Second Letter Of Intent (March 14, 1990)
Abstract: Preface Introduction The Background to the Economic Crisis in the 1980s and the Prospects facing Caribbean States Issues in the Reform of the Policy Framework Savings, Investment and Growth Trends and Determinants in Selected Caribbean Countries in Recent Years Further Aspects of the Public Finance Issues The Issue of Privatization The Exchange Rate Controversy Selected Issues and Problems in External Adjustments The Capital Transfer Problem Concluding Observations Appendix I: Trinidad and Tobago's First Letter of Intent (Nov. 16, 1988) to the IMF Appendix II: Trinidad and Tobago's Second Letter of Intent (March 14, 1990) to the IMF Bibliography Index