Abstract: (1986). Electoral law, electoral behaviour and electoral outcomes: Australia and New Zealand compared. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 24, No. 1, pp. 57-73.

Abstract: Sur Kant. Le Souverain Bien et la nature de la vertu. Le mal et l'" humanite ". L'etat de la nature ethique. La communaute ethique

Abstract: (1986). Empire and sexual opportunity. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 34-90.

Abstract: The beginnings of Jewish settlement in Polish lands Aleksander Gieysztor Merchants and businessmen in Poznan and Cracow, 1588-1668 Daniel Tollet The privileges granted to Jewish communities of the Polish Commonwealth as a stablizing factor in Jewish support Jacob Golberg The implications of Jewish economic activities for Jewish-Christian relations in the Polish Commonwealth Gershon Hundert A footnote to the history of the integration of converts into the ranks of the `szlachta' in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Andrzej Ciechanowiecki Polish society and the Jewish problem in the nineteenth century Stefan Kieniewicz Polish-Jewish relations in the territories annexed by the Russian empire in the first half of the nineteenth century Daniel Beauvois Jews in the Lublin region prior to the January uprising, 1861-1862 Ryszard Bende Rural anti-semitism in Galicia before World War I Frank Golczewski Notes on the assimilation and acculturation of Jews in Poland, 1863-1943 Joseph Lichten Interwar Poland: good for the Jews or bad for the Jews? Ezra Mendelsohn Relations between Polish and Jewish left wing groups in interwar Poland Jerzy Holzer Polish-Jewish relations in occupied Poland 1939-1945 Wladyslaw Bartoszewski The Relief Council for the Jews in Poland, 1942-1945 Teresa Prekerowa Polish and Jewish historiography on the question of Polish-Jewish relations during World War II Yisrael Gutman Polish-Jewish relations 1944-1947 Michal Borwicz The Jewish issue in post-war Polish communist politics Lukasz Hirszowicz.

Abstract: (1986). The Export of British Accounting Legislation to Commonwealth Countries. Accounting and Business Research: Vol. 16, No. 64, pp. 353-357.

Abstract: This is an in-depth study of the 1,033 members of the Commonwealth Parliament from 1901 to 1980. The book shows the domination of the parliament by state and party divisions, tracing the shifting strength and realignment of political groups in the House of Representatives and the Senate against any changes in the methods of election. Rydon reveals not only changes in Australian politics during the 1900s, but also the changing nature of parliament members within the highly disciplined, sometimes tyrannical, domain of Australian parliamentary parties.

Abstract: (1986). The influence of racial attitudes on British policy towards India during the First World War. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 91-113.

Abstract: Coming at a time when the Australian mining industry has attained international importance, this book is a carefully researched and clearly written study of the complex negotiations between Australian executives and their foreign partners, their struggles to secure markets for minerals, and their often stormy relations with Commonwealth and State politicians and bureaucrats. Also focusing on the mineworkers and their unions, the author confronts the issues of mechanization and new technologies as they affect the organization of work.

Abstract: NATO is an alliance of sovereign nations. It was formed, and it is sustained today, as the basis for defending its member states against perceived threats to their security, independence and territorial integrity. Different political interpretations of NATO’s actual role tend to depend upon the perspective of the interpreter. Member governments see it as a defensive alliance for securing peace. The Warsaw Treaty nations see NATO as a threat, part of a hostile encirclement of the socialist commonwealth, and as a bastion of American imperialism.

Abstract: James Bryce observed in 1888 that "he who would understand the changes [in] the American democracy will find far more instruction in a study of the State governments than of the Federal Constitution." So neglected was the subject, he found, that it could not even be called a field: "it is rather a primeval forest, where the vegetation is rank, and through which scarcely a trail has yet been cut." Although Bryce himself cut one such path in The American Commonwealth, much of the terrain of state government in the nineteenth century remains unexplored to this day.' One can hardly say that the state's role in public education has been neglected. It was the organizing principle of the early chronicles of state school systems and a major concern in the influential writings of Ellwood P. Cubberley. The central theme of much of this pioneer work in educational history was the progressive evolution of the power of the state to standardize public schooling, a tale of reformist battles won and further professional goals to accomplish. In recent years historians of education have mostly bypassed state governments, although there are some important exceptions like Carl Kaestle's Pillars of the Republic. Critics of the Cubberleyan approach have attacked the earlier historiography for its celebratory tone, its narrowly institutional focus on matters of prime concern to educators, and its naive view of the political economy of

Abstract: This article examines the Irish Anti‐Partition League (APL) of Northern Ireland, particularly in South Armagh. It shows that it was inspired by changes in the post‐war world and emphasised nationalist unity, both within Northern Ireland and with nationalists in the South, Great Britain, the USA and the Commonwealth. The content of APL propaganda and the social composition of the league in South Armagh is considered, showing its roots in traditional nationalism, but also its efforts to make a favourable impression on public opinion and the Labour Party in Britain. It considers the impact on the APL of the declaration of a Republic in the South, the 1949 Ireland Act and the anti‐partition campaign of the parties in the South. It shows how frustration led to a new kind of abstentionism in South Armagh and how Stormont MP Charles MacGleenan attempted to gain admission to Dail Eireann.

Abstract: In April 1937 the Initial Conference of the Commonwealth and State Aboriginal Authorities held in Canberra adopted the Policy of Absorption as the destiny of the Aboriginal race in Australia.

Abstract: Until recently many scholars analysing race in British politics have viewed the immigration control legislation and the policies of racial integration as operating largely within a paradigm of political consensus. Donley Studlar, for example, argued in 1976, that the 'pragmatic' element in British political culture ensured that British racial policy was 'extremely non ideological'1 and was concerned with separating race relations from politics as far as possible. This view gained credence because, in the years following the 1965 White Paper of Harold Wilson’s Labour Government, Immigration from the Commonwealth, 2 there did appear to be a basic party political consensus on immigration. This resulted to a considerable extent from the fears of several senior Labour ministers, in the aftermath of Conservative election victories at Smethwick in the 1964 General Election and the 1965 by-election at Leyton, that immigration was an issue on which they could not hope to upstage the Conservatives in popular public opinion.3

Abstract: (1986). Federalism, local politics and ethnicity in Nigeria. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 24, No. 2, pp. 151-168.

Abstract: From the landing of the seventeenth century Pilgrims, who wanted to establish in the colony of Massachusetts Bay a commonwealth that was distinctive precisely because of its fidelity to biblical commands, down to the present moment in American politics, when the Rev. Jesse Jackson continues to organize a “rainbow coalition” by the use of biblical rhetoric and when the Rev. Pat Robertson is considering a run for the Presidency to reassert the need for “biblical values” in America, the Bible has been inextricably interwoven into the fabric of American life, including the formation of American public policy. In 1982, the centennial year of the Society for Biblical Literature, this reality was explored thoughtfully in series of essays that filled six volumes. More recently, Pastor Richard John Neuhaus has differentiated between the constitutional separation of the institutions of the state and the church and an extraconstitutional separation of religiously based morality from the realm of public policy choices.

Abstract: (1986). The ‘imperialism of free trade’ and the case of West Africa, c.1830‐c.1870. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 22-40.

Abstract: This book documents how a complex branch of science was started and encouraged to grow both nationally and internationally, as seen through the eyes of two authors who together played a major role in many of the events that they describe. It traces the beginning and subsequent development of a space science programme for British scientists from the early 1950s to the early 1980s, and gives the scientific, technological and administrative background whilst highlighting some of the outstanding successes of the programme. Cooperation with NASA in the United States is described in some detail, and the part played by Britain in establishing European cooperation in space science is outlined, as is the more modest cooperative programme with Commonwealth countries. This historical account will be of interest to all space scientists, geophysicists and astronomers, as well as to those concerned with the administration and organisation of large, co-operative scientific programmes.

Abstract: (1986). Prisoners of Fortune: Commonwealth African universities and their political masters. Comparative Education: Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 111-121.

Abstract: Traditionally a commitment to an active public sector has been a centrepiece of Labor's official thinking. Rhetorical conflict between Labor and non‐Labor has always focused upon the role of the State. The most recent instance of this was the debate between Labor and non‐Labor over the Fraser Government's Review of Commonwealth Functions (commonly known as the ‘Razor Gang'). Traditions have been changing and developing on both sides. The changes made by E. G. Whitlam have been widely discussed. Three years and as many months after the election of the first Hawke Government Labor traditions themselves are being rewritten. In this paper I shall use the policy area of the function and administration of public sector enterprises in order to demonstrate the depth and significance of this change. It has been said also that the Hawke Government has reduced politics to pronouncements from the Kirribilli Cabinet and non‐productive factional squabbling. The ‘fourth graders’ of the Hawke Government, which a...

Abstract: In 1941–42 Japan destroyed the empire of the British in Southeast Asia. They were determined to return and, with the assistance of the US, they were able to do so in 1945. The plans they developed in preparation for their return were unrealistic. Rightly they took account of some of the weaknesses of their prewar regimes in Burma, in Malaya, in Borneo. But the policies they developed for dealing with them required an assumption of authority that, with their comparatively diminished power and their devastated economy, the British were unable to sustain in the immediate postwar years, and took too little account of the changes that had taken place since they left. They adjusted their policies with some success. Their essential aims were security and stability, the conditions for economic revival. The re-establishment of colonial regimes was one means to such ends: other means might have to serve. If Burma's leaving the Commonwealth promised stability more than attempts to keep it in, then that course could be accepted. If a Malayan Union seemed to promise division rather than consensus, greater weakness rather than greater strength, it must be replaced by Federation. The choices may still not have been right: Burma virtually collapsed; the Emergency began. But they were the only ways the British could perceive of achieving their aims in the circumstances in which they found themselves.