Abstract: I could never think the study of wisdom confined only to the philosopher: or of piety to the divine: or of state to the politic. But that he which can feign a commonwealth (which is the poet) can govern it with counsels, strengthen it with laws, correct it with judgments, inform it with religion, and morals; is all these. We do not require in him mere elocution; or an excellent faculty in verse; but the exact knowledge of all virtues, and their contraries; with ability to render the one loved, the other hated, by his proper embattling them. Ben Jonson, Timber: or, Discoveries

Abstract: (1983). White colonization and labour in Nineteenth‐century India. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 133-158.

Abstract: (1983). The imperial reserve: The Indian Corps on the western front, 1914–15. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 54-73.

Abstract: In February 1918 the Gold Coast Government, on orders from the British Colonial Office, seized the holdings of the Basle Mission Trading Company, a Swiss-based firm suspected of promoting pro-German sentiment and actions within the Colony. As a result of the growing sentiment towards trusteeship and the continuing resistance to non-British activities in the Gold Coast, the properties of the company were entrusted to the Commonwealth Trust Ltd, a British firm created for this purpose. The firm was committed to providing a portion of its profits to promoting philanthropic activities among the indigenous populations. The resources of the Trading Company, valued at £558,017 in the Gold Coast and £254,383 in India, were transferred to the Commonwealth Trust at no expense whatever to the latter.For a decade the Swiss Government protested against the confiscation of the Company as a violation of the rights of a neutral nation. In the same years the Commonwealth Trust encountered such financial difficulties that it was unable to supply any support at all for its philanthropic commitments.By 1928 continuing international pressure, including a Swiss threat to submit their claim for arbitration before the League of Nations, led the British to restore the properties to the Trading Company owners, compensating them with £250,000 for losses suffered during the decade. The Commonwealth Trust was also reimbursed for the surrender of the properties, bringing the total cost of the restoration to £305,000.The irony of the entire episode is that the total cost of the resolution was assigned to the Gold Coast colonial treasury, absorbing one-fourth of the total Gold Coast reserve fund. Gold Coast Council members protested that the original decision and its reversal were made by the British Government, and their consequences ought not to become burdens on the Gold Coast. Such protests were unavailing. Thus the project undertaken on the principle of trusteeship resulted in no benefit whatsoever to the indigenous population; rather the colony paid dearly for the privilege of being the object of trusteeship policy.

Abstract: On October 1, 1982, Chapter 372 of the Massachusetts Legislative Acts of 1982, governing how each of the commonwealth's 121 hospitals is to be paid for the next six years, became effective. The new law is intended to improve the Massachusetts health-care system in two ways: by reversing the growth of overall hospital spending throughout the commonwealth, and by limiting perceived inequities in the allocation of hospital costs among private insurance companies, Blue Cross, the Medicare and Medicaid programs, and privately paying patients. Controlling Hospital Costs As in other states, overall spending for hospitals in Massachusetts has been increasing at . . .

Abstract: Recently political scientists have joined other social scientists in examining the phenomenon of diffusion; that is, the process by which ideas, practices, and material objects spread across specified units of analysis (e.g., nations, cities, states). Beginning with the pathbreaking works of Crain and Walker, political scientists have refined and geographically extended their investigation of the genesis and progress of diffusion, and particularly policy diffusion.'

Abstract: Exhortations to maintain a reasonable balance between crimes and punishments, condemnations of excessive penal severity and pleas for a reduction in the number of crimes for which death was the penalty do not originate in the eighteenth century. Reform of the criminal law had been an unattained goal of both Puritans and Levellers during the Commonwealth period. Reform efforts ironically paralleled the immense increase of new statutory felonies in eighteenth century England and throughout the western world a simultaneity of attention was paid to reformulating the nature and purpose of punishment. A vigorous reformist sentiment can be observed among enlightened men in Europe and America regarding the necessity of an amelioration in the criminal codes of their nations and central to much of this was the principle of proportionality, that every penalty be proportioned to the offense. In the American colonies, the initiation of rebellion presented an unparalleled opportunity for change.

Abstract: (1983). External actors and the relative autonomy of the political aristocracy in Zaire. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 21, State and class in Africa, pp. 61-83.

Abstract: This paper outlines the traditional Jewish approach to medical ethics, as perceived by the Chief Rabbi of the British Commonwealth, himself an academic specialist in this field. It is based on a `St Paul's Lecture' given to the London Diocesan Council for Christian Jewish understanding.

Abstract: (1983). The Rodney riots in Jamaica: The background and significance of the events of October 1968. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 21, Race and politics in the caribbean, pp. 158-174.

Abstract: (1983). Black power in Trinidad and Tobago: The ‘crisis’ of 1970. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 21, Race and politics in the caribbean, pp. 115-132.

Abstract: DURING THE TWENTY-FIVE YEARS, 1776-1800, sixteen colleges opened in the United States that still operate today.l They almost tripled the total number of the nation's colleges. The increase demonstrated the augmenting American interest in higher education and also the restless, expansive urge of the American people, for with the exceptions of the College of Charleston and St. John's College in the Chesapeake port of Annapolis,2 these institutions arose on the edge of settlement: in upstate New York, the district of Maine, northeastern Georgia, western Massachusetts, and even in the Territory South of the Ohio, two years before it became the state of Tennessee. Indeed, their location on the frontier was one of the primary determinants of these colleges' character, for it led these colleges to develop functions, commitments, and curricular and atmospheric traits that differed somewhat from those of the established, seaboard colleges. Just as these new institutions were frontier colleges, they were also republican colleges. During the Revolutionary movement the colonial colleges had become politicized; the majority had embraced what Bernard Bailyn and others have called the Commonwealth Whig ideology of politics. Consequently, by the mid-1760s, college educators emphasized the link between higher education and virtuous leadership of the state. For example, the supporters of Rhode Island College, clearly intending to train Baptist ministers, found it necessary in petitioning the legislature for a charter to

Abstract: Even without the urban riots of 1980–1, there would be little disagreement that one, if not the major change in British cities since the war has been in the ethnic composition of their populations. The Black and Asian population of Britain, estimated at some 2.1 million in mid 1980 by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys, and forming 3.9 per cent of the total population, compared with under 1.4 million (2.5 per cent) in 1971 and some 200,000 in 1951. The concentration of this population into four or five major conurbations where, until economic crisis brought unemployment, there was a high demand for labour, means that anywhere between 1 in 10 to 1 in 20 inhabitants of many towns is of so-called ‘New Commonwealth’ and Pakistan origin; in certain London boroughs, depending on definition, the figure might be 30 per cent.

Abstract: (1983). The general elections of 1981 in Trinidad and Tobago. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 21, Race and politics in the caribbean, pp. 133-157.

Abstract: (1983). The Hong Kong government opium monopoly, 1914–1941. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 275-299.

Abstract: F ROM midsummer I 7 86 through the following winter, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was torn by rebellion against the republican government headed by James Bowdoin. The history of the insurrection, first related to the public in I788 by the secretary of the commonwealth, George Richards Minot, and most recently presented by David P. Szatmary, is well known.' Interpretations of the uprising and its suppression have varied, depending on the sympathies of the writer, the credence given to the triumphant friends of government, who characterized the Shaysites as a despicable rabble, and the confidence placed in the veracity of the defeated underdogs. Authors from Minot to Szatmary have generally framed their accounts according to the lines of division and debate in I786-I787. Sound government, stable currency, and secure credit, the objectives of commercially oriented eastern Massachusetts, have been weighed in relation to the interests of central and western Massachusetts farmers, who complained of pro-creditor legislation and excessive taxation and fees. Because these issues were central to the conflict, they must be fundamental to every analysis of it. Yet there are other dimensions of Shays's Rebellion that are well worth exploring, particularly in the context of the emerging republican political culture of the time. One of the striking features of the behavior of the Shaysites was their swift resort to the tactics of the previous decadecounty conventions, and physical coercion to stop the courts and demand redress. They did not see themselves as rebels but as reformers who were using methods that had been vindicated by the Independence movement. Their understanding of republicanism did not include submitting to

Abstract: We feel that the decade of the eighties belongs to those who understand that the sexes are equal but different, and the more women are prepared to stand up and say they are women who want to be women (not unisex persons), the quicker the sick, anti-male, anti-child influences of women's lib will vanish.(1)Feminists attempting to breakdown and subvert the social and moral attitudes of Australian society had a field day -- resolutions promoting abortion on demand (fertility control), homosexuality (sexual orientation), the provision of contraceptives and abortion to minors without the knowledge or consent of parents (confidentiality between doctor and patient!) and a denial of the differences between men and women (counter-sexist education) were passed overwhelmingly, plus demands for government handouts for this, that and the other.(2)Those anti-feminist groups which began to develop in Australia in the 1970s were not a reaction to feminism as such. Rather, the immediate cause of their growth was the election of state and federal Labor governments with a commitment to women's rights and a determination to use their legislative power and administrative authority to promote equal opportunity in Australian society. This commitment was reflected in governmental recognition of reformist feminist groups like the Women's Electoral Lobby (WEL) and their inclusion in routine consultative processes.Furthermore, by the end of International Women's Year in 1975, the other two major political parties (the Liberal and the National Party)(3) had come to recognise women as a new political constituency, and equal opportunity as a new item on the community's political agenda, and had amended their party platforms accordingly. Their victory in the 1975 Commonwealth election did result in a lower priority for women's issues(4) as the removal of the Office of Women's Affairs from the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet to the new Ministry of Home Affairs in 1977 indicated. However, while the coalition government was much less prepared actively to promote equal opportunity than its predecessor, its establishment of the National Women's Advisory Council (NWAC) in 1978 indicated that it too accepted the legitimacy of reformist feminist groups and was prepared to include them in policy-making processes.The anti-feminist backlash, then, grew out of the fear that feminists had succeeded in capturing the policy-making processes of Australian politics and were attempting to bring about social change through legislation.(5)The most visible anti-feminist groups in Australia during this period have been the Women's Action Alliance (WAA) and Women Who Want to Be Women (WWWW). They have used the public forums provided by the media, parliament and the consultative processes of the NWAC to challenge the tenuous consensus that was beginning to develop about the importance of gender equality, suggesting that the role of women in Australian society is a controversial and emotive issue. Results have come quickly. A year after it was formed, the NWAC found itself under attack by WWWW as unrepresentative and sexist. The Commonwealth government decided not to introduce anti-discrimination legislation in 1980 and failed to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, despite this having strong support from the NWAC and reformist feminist groups. The delegation of Australian women that was sponsored by the Commonwealth government to attend the 1980 United Nations Mid-Decade Conference on Women included three anti-feminist activists but no representative of WEL. In 1981, the new membership of the NWAC included the New South Wales President of WAA. As the Commonwealth government moved increasingly to limit its role in social welfare, it withdrew from direct funding of women's shelters in 1981 and, in 1982, began to give priority to commercial rather than community-based childcare services. …

Abstract: This paper examines the evolution of expenditure budgeting in Australia, at both the federal or commonwealth and state levels. The paper begins with a brief constitutional and fiscal overview, goes on to examine the evolution of expenditure budgeting at the commonwealth level over the 1970s, continues with a discussion of innovations in expenditure budgeting at the state level in the late 1970s, and concludes with a comparative assessment of the state of expenditure budgeting in Australia.

Abstract: Amongst the received truths of Tudor history, the existence in the reign of Edward VI of a group of reformers called the commonwealth-men occupies an apparently secure place. I have myself before this called them a party, as has W. K.Jordan even more firmly. That party stands at the centre of the standard work on the Tudor common weal. Others, though less persuaded of quite such a formal coherence, still accept that a body of people, likeminded and active, surrounded Somerset's government, offering criticism and advice on the problems of the day and their solution. A collection of concerned and vocal individuals are supposed to have been working inside government circles in the age of Somerset, more articulate and influential even than their predecessors in the age of Cromwell whose existence has more recently been demonstrated. Only Michael Bush, casting a critical eye on all the traditional views of Somerset's regime, finds that if there were commonwealth-men they did not work together, formulated no agreed programme, and constituted no ‘group or party’. He comes very close to discovering this particular emperor totally devoid of clothes. Where, indeed, did the notion originate? If we look to the nineteenth-century historians we find no mention of commonwealth or commonwealth-men.

Abstract: I have chosen to speak today about Poverty for three fairly obvious reasons. First: Poverty-or more specifically the relations between the rich and the poor -is a very topical, and in some quarters, contentious subject. Second: this is a Commonwealth Society. At Singapore in 1971, in its Declaration of Principles, the Commonwealth declared 'We believe that the wide disparities in wealth now existing between different sections of mankind are too great to be tolerated'. Both at Ottawa in 1973, and at Kingston earlier this year, Commonwealth leaders have been discussing what should be done about these intolerable disparities between rich and poor. So the Commonwealth is concerned. And third: my country does not belong to the Third World. In the latest parlance it belongs to the Fourth World. Poverty is a very urgent matter to us; along with the Freedom Struggle it is at the core of all our national activity; it would therefore be absurd for me not to talk on this subject with you. I would like to make it clear from the outset that I am not pleading for aid for Tanzania. I have already expressed my appreciation of the assistance we have been receiving from this country, and the new Aid which has been agreed upon. Whenever the occasion has demanded I have expressed Tanzania's appreciation for the Assistance we have received from other friendly countries and from international organizations. But I am going to argue that the whole concept of aid is wrong. I am saying it is not right that the vast majority of the world's people should be forced into the position of beggars, without dignity. In one world, as in one state, when I am rich because you are poor, and I am poor because you are rich, the transfer of wealth from the rich to the poor is a matter of right; it is not an appropriate matter for charity. The fact that in a nation state there is a government which arranges this transfer of wealth, but that in the world there is no equivalent authority to do this work, makes a difference as to how the transfer should be effected. It does not make any difference to the requirement that a transfer be made. The rich countries are on the same planet as the Third and Fourth World nations; human beings inhabit both. If the rich nations go on getting richer and richer at the expense of the poor, the poor of the world must demand a change, in the same way as the proletariat in the rich countries demanded change in the past. And we do demand change. As far as we are concerned the only question at issue is whether the change comes by dialogue or confrontation.

Abstract: Can the formal amendment process embodied in s 128 of the Commonwealth Constitution be utilised to patriate the Constitution, to make Australia a republic, to establish a Bill of Rights, to abolish...