Abstract: "This is, unmistakably, the work of a master historian, intended to endure."--London Review of Books. Studying one major episode can reveal its influence on the whole course of politics that ensued. The theme of this enlightening volume by a respected professor and historian is nothing less than the demise of the English republic and the eventual emergence of the quasi-monarchy of Cromwell's Protectorate. In particular, it unearths the reasons why the ideal of a republic, ruled by the people's nominated representatives, failed to take root in England.

Abstract: WE KNOW MORE ABOUT DWIGHT DAVID EISENHOWER than ever before. The papers of his presidency, now open to scholars, constitute a documentary record of extraordinary richness. Scarcely a month goes by, moreover, without the appearance of yet another new book or article on his life and times. But, although we know much more about him, we do not necessarily also understand what he was about or what the significance of his presidency was. Too much of the literature seems limited by the debates of the past: Was Eisenhower an active or passive president? Was he a skillfull politician or a bumbler? Was he dominant or subordinate in his relations with such powerful figures as John Foster Dulles? The answers to these questions have resulted in a useful but nevertheless limited sort of enlightenment.' It is possible to proceed somewhat beyond these limits, however, by focusing on what might be loosely called the political economy of the Eisenhower years: on Eisenhower's thinking about the relationship of government and the economy, on

Abstract: greatly preferable if the earlier text could simply have been reproduced with a postscript, and the money thus presumably saved expended on the retention of the numerous illustrations which added so much to the original edition. Here, certainly, change has been for the worse. In the first edition there were only a couple of passing references to what many see as a major landmark in the development of the Commonwealth: the establishment, in 1965, of the Comnmonwealth Secretariat. In the second edition the setting up ofthe Secretariat rates a paragraph, and the first two Secretaries-General each get a single mention. By contrast, Dr Papadopoulos's work is built around the first ten years of the Secretariat's existence. He shows how it came to be established, surveys the range of meetings it organises (the number of important meetings multiplying five times during the period he covers), and gives an account of its organisation. He claims that it was only with the establishment of the Secretariat that the Commonwealth became a 'genuine' (p 137) international institution, and he sees the Secretariat as now at the hub of Commonwealth relations. He emphasises that the Secretariat was never intended to become independent of the member states, but makes the fair point that on account of its existence Commonwealth political cooperation has been encouraged and its scope widened. Thus on some important international issues the Commonwealth countries try to formulate a common position. He sees this as holding much promise. Dr Papadopoulos wrote his book while he was serving in the Commonwealth Secretariat on secondment from the Government of Cyprus. It is not, therefore, surprising that it is straightforwardly descriptive in its approach and quite uncritical in tone. Nevertheless, it is very useful for the information it provides about the Secretariat. Whether or not one likes recent developments in the Commonwealth, the student of contemporary affairs needs to know about them, and Dr Papadopoulos is a helpful guide.

Abstract: (1982). Rhodes, de beers, and monopoly. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 311-343.

Abstract: THE "British Commonwealth of Nations" has, of late, seemed to baffle the writers on the Law of Nations, or at least to be regarded by them as a no-go area. A general work contains no more than a passing reference to it, if that. Or one encounters a defeatist observation such as that of Eagleton: "What this Commonwealth is it would be hard to say. It has no constitution, no organisation, no headquarters." ' Conversely, one finds, in the most recent and exhaustive of the works on Commonwealth law, but one or two references to international law. 2 This is not to complain that the writers are at fault, or have given short measure. They are concerned with other matters. Certainly, too, the Commonwealth relationship is unusual, perhaps unique. 3 But what exactly is it, today? Eagleton's despairing cry was raised in 1957, and things have changed since then. The very name has almost disappeared, "British" having been dropped as Anglo-centric, and "of Nations" as redundant. Within the Commonwealth except in the Commonwealths of Australia, and, now, of the Bahamas and of Dominica it is enough, in most contexts, to speak simply of "The Commonwealth". Outside, it obstinately remains "British". The title suggested by Patrick Gordon Walker, one of its principal latter-day architects iih the political sphere, was "The Euro-Afro-Asian Commonwealth".4 That idea has not caught on. The changing name indicates fundamental changes in the nature of the Commonwealth association. These will be examined as this study progresses, so far as significant for its main purpose, which is to assess the status of the contemporary Commonwealth in the international field. A convenient approach is to consider whether it is an "international organisation", a term in common use in international law. The question has been foreshadowed. Fawcett, in 1963, described the Commonwealth as "a kind of international

Abstract: For Europe and North America there is a large literature devoted to the evaluation of social policies; for the Caribbean it is often difficult to find out what the policies are, much less how they are actually implemented. Most social welfare agencies in the Commonwealth West Indies have the shape and direction which they acquired during the colonial period, and in spite of some recent new departures it is to that period we must refer in order to understand the present situation. The last major review of social policy in the West Indies was occasioned by the riots and disturbances of the late 1930s, which led to the appointment of a Royal Commission and the subsequent passage of the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts of 1940 and 1945. Independence from Britain has not generally resulted in a searching examination of social policy, rhetoric to the contrary. The tendency seems to be to try to bring the area into line with a universal "modern" practice, suitable or not, for no politician wishes to appear to be unprogressive. This paper is not intended as a review of social policy, even in the restricted area of the family. Others will have to undertake that task. Its more modest aim is to re-examine the premises on which the policies of the terminal phase of colonial rule were based, to ask how they appear in the light of more recent work on the family, and then in the final section, and with the greatest hesitation, to suggest some implications of this work for the formulation of policy bearing on the family.

Abstract: (1982). The death of Gordon: A Victorian myth. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 285-310.

Abstract: This paper examines the history of the employment of women in the Commonwealth Public Service (CPS) and attempts to explain the discrepancy between the meritocratic principles on which the personnel practices of the Service have been based and the lack of attainment of women in the Service. It demonstrates how the perception of men's and women's merits was structured by the division of labour current at the turn of the century when the CPS was established, and how, with the routinization and feminization of clerical work, these perceptions have helped create and ensure the continued reproduction of a dual labour market within the Service which is proving difficult to eradicate despite the removal of formal impediments.

Abstract: In 1581, in his Answer to a seditious pamphlet, William Charke wrote He that smiteth our religion woundeth our commonwealth; because our blessed estate of policie standeth in defence of religion, and our most blessed religion laboureth in maintenance of the commonwealth. Religion and policie are, through God’s singular blessings, preserved together in life as with one spirit; he that doth take away the life of the one doth procure the death of the other. This was, of course, a partisan point of view. However, the extent to which it had won general acceptance among Englishmen of all social classes can be demonstrated by reference to the Armada crisis of seven years later. Not only did pamphleteers like Thomas Deloney appeal for patriotic effort, That... all with one accord On Sion hill may sing the praise of our most mightly Lord but recusant apologetic makes it clear that the catholics were fully aware of the prevailing opinion that papists could not be good Englishmen.

Abstract: AS PENNSYLVANIA entered the fourth decade of the twentieth century, conditions of industrial feudalism still existed within the Commonwealth. Private industrial police kept the workers docile both on and off company property; the existence of the company town frequently prevented the laborer from en joying his leisure hours free from the watchful eye of his economic masters; women worked up to 54 and fourteen-year-old children up to 51 hours per week for incredibly low pay; union labor received few rights and little protection from legislatures sub missive to the industrial interests.1

Abstract: (1982). The growth of the Muslim League in the Punjab, 1937–1946. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 5-24.

Abstract: In 1649, after several years of intense spiritual searching, George Fox discovered through a vision that he was called to a divine mission. \"I was to bring people off from all their own ways to Christ, the new and living Way; and from their churches which man had made ... to the church of God.\"1 Beginning his lifetime pilgrimage in 1651 when he entered York, Fox was greeted by many receptive communities and encountered a religious awakening in the northern counties lasting through the summer of 1653.2 He was soon joined by a number of other itinerant preachers, known collectively to Quaker historians as the First Publishers of Truth. By January 1654 Quakerism's major areas of strength were the counties of York, Westmoreland, Durham, Cumberland, and northern Lancashire, while there were also some scattered meetings in the northern Midlands.3 Of the 250 Friends later recognized as the most active during the 1650s, 160 came from the North.4 Puritanism was relatively weak in the North of England, and Barbour argues that Quaker sentiment was strongest in precisely those areas where Puritanism was weakest. As Friends began to explore the rest of England after 1654, they challenged a more solidly established religion, and generally Quakerism made little headway in the Puritan heartland or in largely Presbyterian Scotland.5 For the whole of England, Braithwaite estimates that in January 1661 the number of adult male Quakers was between 6000 and 8000, while the total number of Friends was nearly

Abstract: (1982). Nizam‐i‐Islam: Processes and conflicts in Pakistan's programme of Islamisation, with special reference to the position of women. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 57-95.

Abstract: Dominica was discovered by Columbus. It was a British possession from 1805, a member of the Federation of the West Indies 1958–62, an Associated State of the UK, 1967–78 and became an independent republic as the Commonwealth of Dominica on 3 Nov. 1978.

Abstract: Previous articleNext article No AccessConstituting the Polar Front, 1919-1920Robert Marc FriedmanRobert Marc Friedman Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Isis Volume 73, Number 3Sep., 1982 Publication of the History of Science Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/353038 Views: 9Total views on this site Citations: 11Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1982 History of Science Society, Inc.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Gustavo Neves, Nuria Gallardo, Francisco Vecchia A Short Critical History on the Development of Meteorology and Climatology, Climate 5, no.11 (Mar 2017): 23.https://doi.org/10.3390/cli5010023Lize-Marié van der Watt, Sandra Swart Falling off the Map: South Africa, Antarctica and Empire, c . 1919–59, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 43, no.22 (Dec 2014): 267–291.https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2014.982409Chihyung Jeon Flying weather men and robot observers: instruments, inscriptions, and identities in US upper‐air observation, 1920–1940, History and Technology 26, no.22 (Jun 2010): 119–145.https://doi.org/10.1080/07341511003750055Aant Elzinga Achievements of the Second International Polar Year, (Aug 2010): 211–234.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-12402-0_8Aant Elzinga Through the lens of the polar years: changing characteristics of polar research in historical perspective, Polar Record 45, no.44 (Oct 2009): 313–336.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0032247409008316William A. Koelsch From Geo- to Physical Science: Meteorology and the American University, 1919–1945, (Jan 1996): 511–540.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-940033-84-6_18Eda Krankis Hybrid Careers and the Interaction of Science and Technology, (Jan 1992): 177–204.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8010-6_8Stuart S. Blume The Theoretical Significance of Co-operative Research, (Jan 1987): 3–38.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3755-0_1Peter Groenewegen Attracting Audiences and the Emergence of Toxicology as a Practical Science, (Jan 1987): 307–328.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3755-0_12Joske Bunders, Loet Leydesdorff The Causes and Consequences of Collaborations between Scientists and Non-Scientific Groups, (Jan 1987): 331–347.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3755-0_13John L. Davis Weather foreasting and the development of meteorological theory at the Paris Observatory, 1853–1878, Annals of Science 41, no.44 (Aug 2006): 359–382.https://doi.org/10.1080/00033798400200311

Abstract: Part 1 1870-1901: the nature of the United Kingdom Crown Imperial the imperial island and the European mainland the defence of the realm the approach of democracy the mature economy town and country recreation and education creeds and cultures. Part 2 1901-1931: goodbye to all that - war and peace into Europe - and back again British Empire to British Commonwealth reshaping the United Kingdom - Britain and Ireland democratic participation and the parties the end of the Free Trade era town and country battles of the mind and body waltzing through the Waste Land. Part 3 1931-1956: Europe - snare or opportunity? the last great British war the British Commonwealth and the road to Suez party politics depression and recovery a kingdom united town and country (planning) education and sport cultures and creeds. Part 4 1956-1975: Britain and the European Economic Community Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations retreat from world power a United Kingdom in doubt the two-party system in difficulties the sick economy town and country - the end all for education - and sport for all cultures, creeds and values. Part 5 Compendium of information: population of the United Kingdom, 1871-1971 holders of the principal offices of State, 1868-1974 electoral reform United Kingdom general elections, 1874-1974 information on wars and the armed services industrial and employment information religion and church allegiance in the United Kingdom social information transport and communications information economic information.

Abstract: In her biographical note on John Ponet, C. H. Garrett observed that although there was "little good" to be said of him as a man, as a political pamphleteer Ponet had attracted less attention than was his due.1 Although W. S. Hudson and W. Gordon Zeeveld have remedied this deficiency to a considerable extent,2 the precise connections between Ponet's Short Treatise of Politic Power and the contemporary situation in England have not been delineated. Much of the strength of this work lies in the fact that it was written as a direct response to events in England and on the Continent. In particular, Ponet's theories regarding the natural rights of subjects stemmed from efforts by the crown in 1555 to remove the right of ownership of private property from those it regarded as delinquents: the Protestant exiles. Ponet elevated the possession of property by private individuals to the status of a right. He went on to examine the basis of regal power and its practical limits and, in arguing the legitimacy of resistance to an unjust ruler, postulated a commonwealth in which a substantial measure of power rested with "the people". Although produced for an immediate polemical purpose, the Short Treatise has more claim than any other anti-Marian tract to be regarded as political theory rather than propaganda. Ponet's opposition to Mary's rule was based on a set of constitutional principles which went beyond the stress placed on the maintenance of "true religion" by other pamphleteers of the Marian exile. This paper proposes to show the links between Ponet's treatise and the Marian government's attempts to coerce the exiles, and also to indicate the role played by the circumstance of exile in forming the opinions expressed in the Short Treatise. After a distinguished academic career at Queen's College, Cambridge,

Abstract: Canadian natives’ right to self-determination is neither peculiar to their status as aboriginal inhabitants of the country, nor subject to limitation by Canadian legislation. It is required by contemporary international agreements on human rights to which Canada is a party, and is consistent with the evolution of the British empire into a commonwealth of freely-associated states. Recent discussions of natives’ claim to a constitutional place within the framework of a "renewed" Canadian federalism ignore the strongest legal grounds for natives’ demands, and typically overemphasize economic issues such as compensation for past injuries.

Abstract: THE position taken by the courts of the United States as to the extraterritorial reach of the Sherman Act' and other U.S. antitrust laws2 has caused considerable concern to the States belonging to the Commonwealth. At a meeting of Commonwealth Justice Ministers at Kingston, Jamaica in June 1980, the Australian Attorney-General presented a paper arguing that the States of the Commonwealth should adopt a uniform attitude to efforts by the United States courts to enforce the Sherman Act extraterritorially. 3 In the recent past, there have been several rebuffs by Commonwealth courts to efforts made by American courts seeking to secure evidence through letters rogatory4 and Commonwealth legislatures have enacted legislation which would prevent documents situated within their countries being made available to plaintiffs in the United States to prove violations of antitrust laws before United States courts.

Abstract: Canada, as a member of the western Contact Group currently attempting to negotiate a peaceful resolution of the Namibian issue, has found itself uncomfortably close to center stage as the world community comes to grips with southern African problems. Altthough the Canadian government, through its membership in the Commonwealth, "discovered" Africa much earlier than the United States government, Professor Matthews was undoubtedly correct when he claimed that prior to 1960 "the public at large and the government itself knew and cared little about that part of the world."' Canadian foreign policy was very limited in scope and ambition until the 1950s and concerned itself primarily with Great Britain, the United States and Europe, the promotion of trade and the preservation of peace. South Africa did not then fit into any of these categories to any significant degree.

Abstract: The paper examines the history of local government in Papua New Guinea and prospects for it, and offers some comparisons with Commonwealth Africa, particularly East Africa. The P.N.G. system of local government was influenced by that of Tanganyika but grew to greater proportional significance. Although challenged by the rise of nationalism, as in East Africa, local government has played a much greater role in political development. A significant anti-council movement challenged the new system, but mirrored its forms. The regional nature of these protests accompanied by a weak nationalist movement, led to strong pressures for decentralization after independence. The 1976 constitutional settlement has established provincial governments with complete control over local government and has posed fundamental questions about the future shape of local government in P.N.G.

Abstract: (1982). Bengal politics and the Muslim masses, 1920–1947. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 25-41.