Abstract: (1980). Old Whigs, Old Tories, and the American revolution. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, The British Atlantic Empire Before the American Revolution, pp. 106-130.

Abstract: (1980). Island orphans: Barbuda and the rest. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 293-307.

Abstract: (1980). The seven years' war and the American revolution: The causal relationship reconsidered. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, The British Atlantic Empire Before the American Revolution, pp. 85-105.

Abstract: (1980). The empire and provincial elites: An interpretation of some recent writings on the English Atlantic, 1675–1740. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, The British Atlantic Empire Before the American Revolution, pp. 2-32.

Abstract: must an individual possess to be a ci t izen, an independent and responsible m e m b e r of a poli t ical associat ion? This is one o f the oldest and most important quest ions in poli t ical phi losophy. Hobbes ' s own answer is, I be l ieve , to be found in his account of authorization. Accord ing to Hobbes , the attributes that make someone an author are precisely those that qual i fy h im to participate in the foundation o f a commonwea l th and that therefore ground his obl igat ion to obey its laws. I have argued that on Hobbes ' s v iew an author is someone who possesses contractual capaci ty, the capaci ty to make and understand contracts. Hobbes be l ieved that only a speaking, t ime-consc ious being can make a contract. The communica t ive power o f 23 Hobbes's commentary on Aristotle's theory of the household is reinforced in an interesting way by his own discussion of the family in Chapter 20 of the Leviathan. According to Hobbes, \"the right of dominion by generation, is that, which the parent hath over his children; and is called PAIERNAL\" (p. 130). Hobbes begins his discussion of paternal authority by asserting that authority of this sort \"is not so derived from the generation [of the child], as if therefore the parent had dominion over his child because he begat him [as was Aristotle's view]; but from the child's consent, either express, or by other sufficient arguments declared\" (p. 130). In this way, Hobbes extends his attack against the naturalistic conception of authority on which Aristotle bases his theory of the household to paternal authority itself. There is, however, a serious ambiguity in Hobbes's analysis of paternal authority. In Chapter 20, Hobbes offers a curious argument for the right of maternal dominion in the state of nature, in the course of which he asserts that a child will in some cases owe obedience to a particular person (often, but not always, its mother) solely because that person has nourished the child and given it life. But if this is so, then paternal dominion will not always have a consensual basis. In some cases, the assertion of a right to the child's obedience will properly be justified by an appeal to a fact about the person asserting the right--that the person possesses a certain power and exercised it in a particular way--rather than by an appeal to the child's consent \"'either express, or by other sufficient arguments declared.\" If one takes Hobbes's consensualist view of authority as seriously as Hobbes himself appears to have taken it, it is difficult to understand how the nourishment supplied to the child can ever be a basis (in the sense of a justification) for his obedience. The care which a parent displays may, of course, generate a feeling of love--even a feeling that obedience is owed--in the child. But by itself, paternal care cannot legitimate parental authority--at least if one understands Hobbes's conception of authority in the principled way he apparently wished it to be understood. 172 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY speech and time-consciousness constitute, for Hobbes, the two elementary conditions of contractual capacity and hence of authorship as well. There is an important connection, in Hobbes ' s philosophy, between the ideas of speech and time-consciousness. In this part of my paper, I shall attempt to describe the connection between them. More particularly, I want to show that these two ideas are linked by a th i rdthe idea of reflection or abstraction. I add these remarks in the hope that they will help to clarify the metaphysical assumptions on which Hobbes ' s account of contractual capacity, and his concept of an author, ultimately rest. Because my discussion takes the form of a commentary on a passage in Chapter 4 of the Leviathan (\"Of Speech\"), it will be convenient to begin by quoting the passage in

Abstract: England's relationship with the Baltic trading area has remained a generally neglected aspect of English commercial development in the seventeenth century. The spectacular colonial ventures have traditionally attracted more historical attention, although the Baltic trade in this period was more fundamental to the English economy: it supplied precisely those naval commodities, such as flax, hemp, timber, pitch and tar, which facilitated the creation of fleets for the colonial trades. Medieval English trade had been conditioned by a search for markets, and the predominantly agricultural economy of the Polish Commonwealth proved to be an ideal target for cloth exports. By the early seventeenth century, however, this traditional relationship was changing. The growing English fleets demanded steady supplies of naval stores which Poland was increasingly unable to supply, while the Polish economy, weakened by wars and entering a period of decline, could no longer afford the luxury of cloth imports from England.

Abstract: (1980). On the eve of Decolonization: The colonial office's plans for the transfer of power in Africa, 1947. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 235-257.

Abstract: (1980). Imperialism and the scramble. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 76-81.

Abstract: (1980). Pressure groups and the Australian political process: The case of the Australian medical association. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 190-206.

Abstract: In the new states created from formerly colonial territories following the end of the Second World War, universities have been closer to the centre of the political system than is the case in older established states. The governments of new states have long understood this and have acted accordingly. For their part, the universities have also widely appreciated the extent of their dependence on the political climate in which they live and they have responded to this fact, but not always to the satisfaction of the political centre of their society. The political situation with which the University of the West Indies is faced is, however, unique in one important sense: it must respond not just to one government, but to no less than 14. The governments in question are those of the various sovereign and colonial states of the " Commonwealth Caribbean", as these states refer to themselves: Antigua, the Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Jamaica, Montserrat, St. Kitts-NevisAnguilla, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Trinidad and Tobago. From a political point of view, the University of the West Indies is unusual, and therefore of special interest, in that it is dependent not so much on the domestic politics of one particular state, but rather on the complex and changing character of international politics within a clearly defined region. The University's position is further complicated by the fact that the Commonwealth Caribbean has witnessed the rise and fall of several different movements of regional integration during the period of its existence. The ebb and flow of integration in the Commonwealth Caribbean since the end of the Second World War has affected the development and functioning of the University.1

Abstract: (1980). Zimbabwe's land problem: The central issue. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 18, Zimbabwe Behind and Beyond Lancaster House, pp. 1-13.

Abstract: The author considers whether the Commonwealth can enact “manner and form” legislation, especially provisions enabling the House of Representatives to enact laws which are the subject of a deadlock ...

Abstract: The nature of Canada's role in Africa in the 1970s has been sufficiently obscure that Flora MacDonald, during her short-lived tenure as Canada's secretary of state for external affairs, publicly wondered what we were doing there.1 Her musings were a product of the fact that, although Canada has consolidated and extended the initiatives undertaken in the previous decade, it is still a marginal actor in Africa and Africa's importance in Canada remains quite slight. One can not imagine MacDonald asking a similar question about Canada's role in the Caribbean or Latin America. Therefore, Canadian activities in Africa can best be understood less as the product of major interests of immediate concern to Canada than of a number of structural and ideological factors in both the domestic and the international contexts. Canada's involvement in Africa continues to be an integral, if junior, component of the larger Western presence in Africa. Within this fundamental alignment, Canada has attempted to gain influence in both Commonwealth and francophone countries. At the same time, Canadian policies and actions in the fields of development assistance, trade, and investment have been governed by the imperatives of Canada's own social formation. Therefore, it is to a consideration of these fundamental forces behind Canadian policy that we must turn before examining the nature of Canadian activities in Africa during the 1970s at greater length.

Abstract: (1980). The insignificance of tribe in the African politics of Zimbabwe rhodesia. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 18, Zimbabwe Behind and Beyond Lancaster House, pp. 85-109.

Abstract: I feel it a great honour to be invited to give the Robert Garran Memorial Oration of 1979. Although Sir Robert and I were of different generations, I did have some personal contact with him following my coming to Canberra in 1939. I also had the pleasure of knowing two of his sons, John and Andrew. Andrew and I were colleagues in our roles as Chairmen of the Victorian and Commonwealth Public Service Boards respectively. These small personal associations enable me to appreciate all the better the wide-ranging and historic contributions made by Sir Robert to government in Australia.

Abstract: This article seeks to answer the question: 'Is Canadian aid in the Commonwealth Caribbean a form of neo-colonialism as its detractors are apt to claim, or is it supportive of development in the region?' Aid activities are analyzed in terms of hypotheses derived from dependency theory. Our findings reveal that Canadian aid-behaviour deviates significantly from the dependency model of aid, and is, indeed, supportive of Caribbean development despite a dearth of Canadian direct aid involvement in industrial projects. Canadian aid is focussed on the development of infra-structure, food production, education and manpower training, and resource development. These activities are compatible with the goal of Caribbean states to diversify their economic base. The analysis suggests that the lack of Canadian 'aid-imperialism' in the Commonwealth Caribbean inheres in Canada's political image as one of the most international of nations and a friend of small and weak countries with a high respect for the principle of national sovereignty.

Abstract: (1980). South Africa's Departure from the Commonwealth, 1960–1961. The International History Review: Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 453-484.

Abstract: (1980). Some further insights into the working of mid‐Victorian imperialism: lord Salisbury, the ‘forward’ group and Anglo‐Afghan relations: 1874–1878. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 181-208.

Abstract: This paper summarizes the findings of a recent survey of user reactions to the abstracting services produced by The Commonwealth Agricultural Bureaux (CAB). The study was carried out by the Aslib Research & Consultancy Division and funded entirely by the Commonwealth Agricultural Bureaux.

Abstract: (1980). Race and counter‐revolution: South Africa's ‘total strategy’. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 272-292.