Abstract: (1976). Cambridge, Keswick, and late‐nineteenth‐century attitudes to Africa. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 5-34.

Abstract: IT is the purpose of this essay to examine certain aspects of Hobbes’s theory of authority with reference to the concept of the corporation-that peculiar legal entity derived from Roman Law to which seventeenth-century jurists appealed in the attempt to establish sovereignty as a notion of legal jurisdiction. The problem of authority, as Hobbes formulates it in the Leviathan, involves a distinction between the reasons which motivate men to institutionalize a political system and the sanctions which provide for its maintenance once in existence. Hobbes accounts for the incentives to contract in terms of Reason (the Laws of Natural Reason as they are manifest in the dictates of conscience) and religion (Christian precepts set out in the Scriptures). He accounts for the sanctions in terms of a theory of obligation which centres on the notion of incorporation.’ Leviathan was conceived as a Christian Commonwealth and Hobbes concerned himself not only with political, but also with ecclesiastical authority, perhaps the most divisive political issue of his day. Leviathan’s sovereign, on the model of the Tudor ‘Godly Prince’, exercised both civil and ecclesiastical powers, thus uniting the two heads of the eagle, as Rousseau was later to remark.2 The dual role of the King was justified by Hobbes, as it had been by Tudor apologists, in terms of a theory of corporation. Hobbes departed from the new orthodoxy of the established church, however, when he extended the concept of persons to provide an account of the relation of the three persons of God in the Trinity and a periodization of Christian history in terms of their representation in three successive epochs. Hobbes laid explicit claim to being the first to see the significance of the state as a type of corporation, a claim all the more extraordinary for the fact that the development of the theory of ‘the king’s two bodies’ is considered to be one of the singular achievements of medieval thought, and was indeed the language in terms of which Royal Supremacy had been defended. Hobbes would almost certainly have been familiar with the Act in Restraint of Appeals, the classic English statement, but he nevertheless claims in the Elements that: . . . a corporation being declared to be one person in law, yet the same hath not been taken notice of in the body of acommonwealth or city, nor have any of those innumerable writers of politics, observed any such uni0n.j

Abstract: F ROM January to June 1977 the British government will take over for the first time the Presidency of the Council of Ministers of the European Community.' A coincidence of timing will also give the Commission its first British President, Roy Jenkins, who will assume office for a two to four-year term. Greater attention has so far been focused on the British Presidency of the Commission; but the hot seat of the Council Presidency will present the British government with a much more direct challenge. The Presidency of the Council is an elusive and complex responsibility. The heaviest burden will fall on the Foreign Secretary, as chairman of the General Council of Foreign Ministers, a role commonly referred to as ' the President of the Council '. But the responsibilities of the Presidency spread far more widely. Other ministers will be called on to chair the various specialist Technical Councils; British officials will be taking the chair in most of the many committees that negotiate poilicies among the member states, both within the framework of the Council of Ministers and in the parallel procedures for political co-operation. For six months London will also become the centre of intensive activity. The British will play host to a two-day meeting of the European Council, bringing together heads of govemment from the member states and a caravan of attendant officials and press. The Foreign and Commonwealth Office will greet wavels of visiting diplomats, coming to London for political co-operation meetings. Meanwhile in Brussels British ministers and officials will be trying to steer through agreements on issues as varied as the common fisheries policy and the Greek application for Community membership, and trying to, balance British interests with those of the Community as a whole. The initial conception of the Presidency was of a fairly modest role of chairmanship. The Paris Treaty stated that each government would

Abstract: In the 1530s, Henry VIII and Thomas Cromwell carried out fundamental changes in the Tudor state. These changes amounted to a revolution in which three elements may be distinguished: the erection of the commonwealth into a sovereign empire, the king's divorce of Catherine of Aragon, and important alterations to the nature and structure of the English church. Because of the fundamental nature of the issues involved and the threat to the established order, the revolution very soon provoked widespread discontent among all sections of society. Nevertheless, opposition was spasmodic and uncoordinated, with each group of conspirators relying on another to rise, and all looking to the emperor, Charles V, to rectify the evils which, it was thought, the king's policies had brought about. Lack of effective leadership and failure to agree about what constituted the major grievances enabled the government to deal with the dissidents one by one. Cromwell was allowed to use parliament to ratify the government's programme and to manipulate public opinion. By constant vigilance and an intelligent use of the constraints placed on the populace by the penal clauses in the statutes, he secured the observance of the more unpopular measures. In spite of the overall success of this policy, the difficulties were many, and the final outcome always in doubt. Its enforcement was thus ‘a political task of some magnitude’ for the government. Probably the most determined challenge to the revolution was presented in Ireland, where rebellion broke out in June 1534.

Abstract: (1976). The cultural factor in Victorian imperialism: A case‐study of the British ‘civilising mission' The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 283-317.

Abstract: The traditional pattern of direct capital outflows from Britain to the Commonwealth has recently been broken in favor of investments in Europe and the United States. The reasons for this marked shift in direction are examined in this paper. The erstwhile preference for Commonwealth Investments can be interpreted principally in terms of a firm's strength or lack of it relative to world competition. Accession to the E.E.C. combined with a growing acceptance of the need to build positions of strength in the richest, most advanced markets in order to ensure long-run profitable survival has fundamentally altered British perspectives on investment priorities. The changes can be understood only if conventional models of foreign investment are modified by political considerations and by the personal preferences of the senior managers involved.

Abstract: (1976). The Mauritius rebellion of 1832 and the abolition of British colonial slavery. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 4, No. 3, pp. 243-265.

Abstract: The Commonwealth of Australia is 75 years old. Professor Zines, in this Article, looks at the record of judicial review of the Constitution over the past quarter century. He examines those areas (a...

Abstract: (1976). Partners in underdevelopment? The transnationalisation thesis in a Kenyan context. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 42-63.

Abstract: (1976). The historiography of Malaysia: Recent writings in English on the history of the area since 1874. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 82-110.

Abstract: Introduction This paper developed from a request to prepare a submission on the subject of Surveying Technicians for the Commonwealth Survey Officers Conference at Cambridge in August 1975. The paper presented at Cambridge was more general and a compressed version of an earlier draft of that now presented in this Journal.

Abstract: Originally prepared for the 5th Commonwealth Law Ministers meeting in 1977 this survey was subsequently updated and contains information that was available up to the end of April 1978. Chapters cover legal indications provisions for implementation national assessments and proposals for change and commentary on scope conditions for abortion the control of choice medical practice legislation and tables are provided on legal indications provisions for implementation in law and practice and national assessment and proposed changes. Appendices cover division of jurisdictions with basic developed and advanced laws sample bill and commentary and sample physicians checklist for abortion applications. The bibliography covers commonwealth judicial decisions additional judicial decisions Commonwealth Government reports commentary on Commonwealth abortion law in Africa Asia and Oceania Europe and the Western Hemisphere general references on abortion law and on abortion abortion in adolescence and general references.

Abstract: (1976). British informal empire: The case of China. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 64-81.

Abstract: Professor and Chairman, Program in Patient Counseling, School of Allied Health Professions, Medical College of Virginia-Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, Virginia; Member of the Behavioral Science Study Committee of the Virginia Commission for Professional and Occupational Regulation, 1975–76

Abstract: INTRODUCTIONn Thomas Joseph Ryan was born in 1876 and died in 1921.nDuring his working life he was a teacher, a barrister and anmember of parliament. From 1909 to 1919 he represented thenelectorate of Barcoo in the Queensland Legislative Assemblynand was the member for West Sydney in the House of Representativesnbetween 1919 and 1921. He was the Premier ofnQueensland from 1915 to 1919, being the first Labor premiernto have a majority in the lower house. His teaching career wasnnot spectacular and was merely a means of supporting himselfnuntil he qualified as a barrister. His early ambition centred on ancareer in law, but he also had a liking for politics. He combinedncareers in both fields as had several of his contemporaries.nThough he proved to be an outstanding barrister, his skill herenbecame subordinated to politics and it was in the latter fieldnthat he made his reputation.n Since Ryan left no diary nor any personal papers, thisnpolitical biography necessarily is based on public and archivalnmaterial plus the semi-private records of the Labor party andncertain trade unions. These sources were supplemented by annumber of verbal and written interviews with several survivingncontemporaries. Minutes of cabinet meetings were not kept atnthis time; ministers kept their own notes of decisions affectingntheir departments.n Ryan's period as premier coincided with the hectic days ofnWorld War I and his career is intertwined with the nationalnpolitics of the war. He was a central figure in the two conscriptionnreferenda; in guaranteeing the allied troops a continuednsupply of meat during the war; in establishing the State Government Insurance Office; in the first attempt to abolish the LegislativenCouncil in Queensland; and in breaking the monopolisticnhold of the Colonial Sugar Refining Company (CSR) over thenwhole sugar industry. In addition he initiated a wider range ofnState enterprises than any other government had attempted; henestablished, through the Privy Council, the constitutional powernof state parliaments to legislative authority within their ownnboundaries and played a vital role in the Labor party's denyingnits own political theory of rank and file control when he wasnasked to assume the leadership of the Federal Labor party asnthe only man capable of matching the Prime Minister WilliamnMorris Hughes. This biography is a study of Ryan's reaction toneach of these and of the contemporary influence of hisndecisions throughout Australia, with more particular attentionnbeing given to Queensland.n I have chosen to deal with these issues together, rather thannthematically, because that, unavoidably, was how Ryan had tonconfront them. The question of the sugar industry well illustratesnthis point. Between 1910 and 1920, sugar was thenprimary industry having the greatest political importance innQueensland. It would have been quite impossible to analysenadequately his attempts to stabilize the industry, give growersnand workers a fair share of the profits and curb the power ofnthe CSR, without showing how this impinged on his fight withnthe Legislative Council, and during 1917, on the growing chasmnbetween Ryan, then the sole Labor premier, and Hughes thenformer national Labor leader. In fact, it will be shown throughoutnthe period that the problems of sugar, meat, the LegislativenCouncil and conscription influenced each other and all othernpolitical events in Queensland, particularly during the war. Innassessing Ryan's capabilities as a political leader, it is necessarynto see his handling the whole range of political issues as theynemerged, rather than to consider each one separately. It hasnbeen necessary to deviate from this course when an event hasnbeen of such importance that it transcended all else. Such wasnthe 1917 conscription referendum when the conflict betweennRyan and Hughes became the central point of the wholencampaign and when the nation was engaged in its most bitternpolitical debate.n In writing this political biography, I have concentrated onnRyan the politician rather than on Ryan the barrister, or Ryannthe man. The numerous court cases that Ryan fought arenconsidered in the light of their political ramifications rathernthan for their legal importance. Ryan was married, he had twonchildren and eventually was to buy Sir Thomas McIlwraith'snlarge house at Auchenflower. But since he did not associate hisnhome life very much with his political life, the former is onlynmarginally mentioned. On the other hand, his wife was importantnas an unofficial private secretary who looked after thensending of condolence or congratulatory messages to constituentsnor important figures in the State or Commonwealth.n Finally this is a study of the political behaviour of a Labornpremier and of the internal workings of the Labor party prior ton1921. Ryan's career is of particular significance in this regard.nHaving first attempted to enter politics as a supporter of thenLiberal Prime Minister Alfred Deakin, he switched his allegiancento the Labor party and despite his bourgeois, non-working classnbackground became the parliamentary leader of that party afternonly one term in the Legislative Assembly. Within a further sixnyears, his continued progress through the party culminated in anState and national reputation among Labor party and tradenunion leaders, equalled by few other Labor politicians.nn

Abstract: (1976). Urbanisation in Africa. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 286-298.