Abstract: Throughout much of the Middle Ages, the lands of Eastern Europe lay within the orbit of Byzantine political and cultural influence, forming a major preoccupation of the Empire. This is a comprehensive historical account of the relations between the Empire and the peoples of Eastern Europe.

Abstract: (1972). Lord Salisbury, Mr. Chamberlain and South Africa, 1895–9. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 3-26.

Abstract: Many features of the four-yearly Commonwealth Survey Officers' Conference contribute to its success and could be adopted with advantage by others.

Abstract: (1972). Rural‐urban inequities and resource allocation in Zambia. Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies: Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 222-242.

Abstract: One model for interpreting St Augustine's Two Cities is to identify the Earthly City with the state and the City of God with the institutional church. The political interpretation placed on the idea of the Two Cities will affect the reading one gives to the "robber band" and "commonwealth" passages. That Augustine should prefer the earlier republic of Rome over the later empire is, unlike the basic distinction between the "earthly republic" and the heavenly, not grounded on theological considerations. It is a political preference, and a regard for the grounds of the preference is crucial where we are concerned with his political philosophy. The concept of the Two Cities on its own, although it provides the superstructure of Augustine's political doctrines, does not give us all the essential details of Augustine's political philosophy. It is important to note that Augustine nowhere makes an explicit distinction between heathen and Christian states.

Abstract: Within five years, some of the cadets to whom these remarks were addressed helped overthrow Kwame Nkrumah. Despite the warning, ‘Politics are not for soldiers’, the armed forces in Ghana – as in 14 other African states – assumed full political control. The military thus changed in Africa from relatively insignificant relics of colonial administration into prime arbiters of political disputes – settling arguments, in many instances, by the direct seizure of power. Praetorianism had reached south of the Sahara.

Abstract: (1972). Reluctant dominion or dutiful daughter? New Zealand and the commonwealth in the inter‐war years. Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies: Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 28-44.

Abstract: There is no general study yet of the social and economic history of the Interregnum and of what may be distinctive about it.1 What we have are general accounts which place the Commonwealth within various teleological perspectives — such as the origins and growth of laissez-faire, or of the old colonial system, or of truly national economic policies — and there are detailed studies of the Navigation Act.

Abstract: For much of the 1960s, Britain suffered from an acute identity crisis, uncertain of its position and status in the world, unsure of its current power and future direction. The former United States Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, summed up the British predicament in his famous speech to the cadets of the Military Academy at West Point on 5 December 1962. His final verdict, the conclusive punch-line, has become drearily familiar over the years. Britain, he assured his audience, had lost an Empire and not yet found a role. Yet, at the time, Acheson’s analysis was vigorous and fresh — and to some people deeply wounding. One passage in the West Point speech still bears repetition: Britain’s attempt to play a separate power role (said Acheson), that is, a role apart from Europe, a role based on a ‘special relationship’ with the United States, a role based on being the head of a Commonwealth which has no political structure or unity or strength and enjoys a fragile and precarious economic relationship — this role is about played out. Great Britain, attempting to work alone and to be a broker between the United States and Russia, has seemed to conduct a policy as weak as its military power.

Abstract: ONLY twice in the early seventeenth century, in 1624 and 1640, was the 'political nation' in England united. On both occasions, the determination of policy was surrendered by an unwilling king and the assistance of Parliamentary leaders sought. Both led to war and a sharpening of domestic political conflict. But such similarities were no more than superficial. The war which was envisaged in 1624 was foreign and external; the one which ensued in 1642 was civil and internal. In 1624, the co-operation of the Parliamentary leaders was freely solicited; in 1640, there was no alternative. The initiative which lay with Prince Charles and the Duke of Buckingham at the earlier date was in the hands of the Earl of Bedford, Pym and St John in November 1640. One was a prelude to the period of 'Personal Government', the other, ultimately, to that of the Commonwealth and Protectorate.

Abstract: ed or general level. Attempts to be more specific seem doomed. As an informative example, we may take the paper by Peter Wiles, to whom populism is: "...any creed or movement based on the following major premiss: virtue resides in the simple people, who are the overwhelming majority, and in their collective traditions. I hold that this premiss causes a political syndrome of surprising constancy, albeit with now more, now fewer, socialist overtones."12 Wiles' syndrome contains a list of 24 characteristics of populism, and he recognizes that no single caBe will have all of these. While this is to be expected in all ideal type constructions, it is less acceptable that, for most hypotheses in the detailed list, we can find examples of political movements which have been classified as populist and which contradict Wiles' assertions. This he himself appears to recognize. It will labour the point if we go through every item in the syndrome, but a few examples may be given. There is little evidence that populism is "moralistic rather than programmatic"? it tends to be 11Peter Worsley, "The Concept of Populism", in Ionescu and Gellner, op. cit.. p. 219. 12 Peter Wiles, "A Syndrome, Not a Doctrine: Some Elementary Theses on Populism", in Ionescu and Gellner, op. cit.. p. 166.

Abstract: Written during the Nigerian Civil War, this collection of poetry won the Commonwealth Poetry Prize in 1972.

Abstract: The Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration, largely the product of University Council for Educational Admin istration influence, looks forward to cooperation between the two bodies in the future. W. G. Walker is Professor of Education and Dean of the Faculty of Education at the University of New England, Australia.