TL;DR: Results of two studies of consonant cluster reduction in children with normal language development support the hypothesis that children would reduce initial clusters to whichever consonant produced the greatest rise in sonority and final clusters to whoever produced a minimal sonority descent.
TL;DR: This paper focuses on a second set of reduction patterns for left-edge clusters, one which is not addressed in most of the sonority-based literature on cluster reduction in child language (L1): these patterns reveal a preference for structural heads to survive.
Abstract: Several recent investigations of the development of left-edge clusters in West Germanic languages have demonstrated that the relative sonority of adjacent consonants plays a key role in children’s reduction patterns (e.g. Fikkert 1994, Gilbers & Den Ouden 1994, Chin 1996, Barlow 1997, Bernhardt & Stemberger 1998, Gierut 1999, Ohala 1999, Gnanadesikan this volume). These authors have argued that, for a number of children, at the stage in development when only one member of a left-edge cluster is produced, it is the least sonorous segment that survives, regardless of where this segment appears in the target string or the structural position that it occupies (head, dependent, or appendix). To briefly illustrate, while the more sonorous /S/ 2 is lost in favour of the stop in /S/+stop clusters, /S/ is retained in /S/+sonorant clusters; similarly, the least sonorous stop survives in both /S/+stop and stop+sonorant clusters, in spite of the fact that it occurs in different positions in the two strings. To account for reduction patterns such as these, a structural difference between /S/-initial and stop-initial clusters need not be assumed. This would seem to fare well in view of much of the recent constraint-based literature which de-emphasises the role of prosodic constituency in favour of phonetically-based explanations of phonological phenomena (see e.g. Hamilton 1996, Wright 1996, Kochetov 1999, Steriade 1999, Cote 2000). In this paper, we focus on a second set of reduction patterns for left-edge clusters, one which is not addressed in most of the sonority-based literature on cluster reduction in child language (L1): these patterns reveal a preference for structural heads to survive. For example, while the stop is retained in clusters of the shape /S/+stop and stop+sonorant, it is the sonorant that survives in /S/+sonorant clusters. The only sources that we have found where explicit reference is made to the retention of heads are Spencer (1986), who reanalyses Amahl’s data
TL;DR: The errors on word-initial consonant clusters made by children in the Iowa-Nebraska Articulation Norms Project (Smit, Hand, Freilinger, Bernthal, & Bird, 1990) were tabulated by age range and frequency as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The errors on word-initial consonant clusters made by children in the Iowa-Nebraska Articulation Norms Project (Smit, Hand, Freilinger, Bernthal, & Bird, 1990) were tabulated by age range and frequency. The error data show considerable support for Greenlee's (1974) stages in the acquisition of clusters: the youngest children show cluster reduction, somewhat older children show cluster preservation but with errors on one or more of the cluster elements, and the oldest children generally show correct production. These stages extended to three-element clusters as well. Typical cluster reduction errors were (a) reduction to the obstruent in obstruent-plus-approximant clusters and (b) reduction to the second element in /s/-clusters. When clusters were preserved, but one member was in error, the error was typically the same as for the singleton consonant. Cluster errors are discussed in terms of theories of phonologic development, including open genetic programs and feature geometry. These data are expected to be useful in evaluation and treatment of disorders of phonology.
TL;DR: It is shown that a consequence of Correspondence Theory in Optimality Theory is that, for processes such as cluster reduction, if MAX outranks UNIFORMITY, candidates displaying coalescence are preferred to those displaying true deletion, even for apparent deletion cases.
Abstract: I show that a consequence of Correspondence Theory in Optimality Theory is that, for processes such as cluster reduction, if MAX outranks UNIFORMITY, candidates displaying coalescence are preferred to those displaying true deletion. It is thus incumbent on the analyst to identify the constraints that select appropriate coalescence candidates, even for apparent deletion cases. I show how Lamontagne and Rice’s (1995) account of the D-effect in Navajo must be modified to ensure the correct outcome in a language where both coalescence and apparent deletion are repairs to cluster constraint violations. If, for other reasons, it is necessary that UNIFORMITY outrank MAX, the admission of MAX(Feature) constraints becomes unavoidable. An analysis of certain cluster reduction phenomena in Ibiza Catalan shows how complex coda constraints, perceptual markedness constraints for clusters, Paradigm Uniformity, and featural faithfulness interact to derive a pattern of contextual variation. The paper includes a review of Correspondence Theory focusing on its effects in cluster reduction.
TL;DR: Qualitative analysis of error types was predictive, with children who made many atypical errors at 2 years being diagnosed as phonologically disordered at 3 years, providing initial evidence that direct formal assessment of 2-year-old phonology is possible.
Abstract: The study reported evaluated an assessment of phonology for 2-year-olds to establish normative data and determine if early identification of children with speech difficulties is possible. The study evaluated 62 2-year-old children on the Toddler Phonology Test (TPT). Children produced 32 words, spontaneously or in imitation. Ten of the children were assessed three times, on the third occasion, when they had reached 3 years, on another phonological assessment. The data indicated that older children performed better than younger children on quantitative measures. Girls and boys performed equally well. Their phonetic repertoires were missing some fricatives and all affricates, as well as /r/. Consistently used error patterns identified included cluster reduction, final consonant deletion, stopping, fronting, weak syllable, deletion, gliding and deaffrication. Correlation analyses indicated that performance at the first assessment on the TPT indicated performance on subsequent assessments. While quantitative data was not a reliable predictive indicator of speech disorder, qualitative analysis of error types was predictive, with children who made many atypical errors at 2 years being diagnosed as phonologically disordered at 3 years. The findings provide initial evidence that direct formal assessment of 2-year-old phonology is possible.