Abstract: Social life cycle assessment (S-LCA) emerged in the last years as a methodological approach aimed at evaluating social and socioeconomic aspects of products and their potential positive and negative impacts along their life cycle. According to the Guidelines for social life cycle assessment of products (Benoit and Mazijn 2009), developed within the UNEPS/SETAC Life Cycle Initiative, social impacts are those that may affect stakeholders along the life cycle of a product and may be linked to company behaviour, socioeconomic processes and impacts on social capital. This definition includes two strengths of S-LCA that together distinguish it from other social assessment methods: (1) the focus on the product and (2) the broad definition of social impacts, which encompasses both the company behaviour and the socioeconomic perspective. From a company perspective, one of the main added values of S-LCA is the possibility to spend the results of the evaluation on the market. This could be achieved, for example by means of a social label, in a way similar to what is done for the carbon footprint. Based on the powerful potential of S-LCA, the authors would like to point out that the two strengths of the methodology might also represent a source of bias and risks, if not dealt with properly and responsibly. We would like to briefly work this concept out, giving hints for further reflection. Starting from the focus on the product, the functional unit (FU) comes into the discussion. This concept is at the core of LCA, but it shows critical aspects when applied in the context of social evaluations. Let us consider the case of a company producing product x and one supplier of theirs, producing a component of x as well as other products/components. The supplier might make use of child labour for manufacturing several products but not the component of x, for example because different production lines are involved (this issue has already been discussed by Jorgensen et al. 2009). If we apply the S-LCA to the assessment of product x by focusing on the product system itself, this deplorable behaviour could not be caught, because the supplier would carry responsibility only for that part of production included in the product system x. This would be a step back with respect to the corporate social responsibility, which pushes companies to mature a high sense of responsibility for and within the company as a whole. However, the S-LCA framework is strongly based on a company perspective, i.e. a perspective that links the socioeconomic impacts to the behaviour of a company. The importance of connecting the social impacts mainly to the conduct of a company and not to the function delivered by a given product is emphasised in the literature by several authors (see e.g. Dreyer et al. 2006). This is further confirmed by the many boycott campaigns initiated by consumer groups or other stakeholders when the social performance of a company was deemed to be inadequate or poor under different aspects. We may cite, for instance, the Nike boycott launched in the 1990s against the inhuman A. Zamagni (*) : P. Buttol LCA & Ecodesign Laboratory, Italian National Agency for New Technologies, Energy and Sustainable Economic Development (ENEA), via Martiri di Monte Sole 4, 40129 Bologna, Italy e-mail: alessandra.zamagni@enea.it

Abstract: Purpose – The paper aims to explore how idiosyncratic motives drive participation in consumer boycotts and how the motives of different adopters (e.g. innovators, laggards) differ. The study seeks to describe how boycott motives are embedded in the fields of consumer resistance and anti‐consumption.Design/methodology/approach – The paper applies a mixed‐method approach of qualitative and quantitative methods. Internet postings of 790 boycott supporters are analyzed by means of a content analysis. The relevance of different motives is examined via frequency analysis. Contingency analysis is applied to explore segment‐specific motives.Findings – Using the example of factory relocation, the study identifies several idiosyncratic motives that are contingent to the boycott cause. Additionally, it confirms that the motives of different adopters differ. Individuals who are personally affected or feel solidarity with those affected join the boycott relatively early whereas those who join later consider the pros a...

Abstract: Despite their popularity and significance, there is a paucity of communication scholarship on boycotts and buycotts. This absence may be due to an erroneous assumption that such tactics are merely economic, as well as to a hesitancy to critique consumption. This essay focuses on three contemporary US-based exemplars that address global ecological crises: the Rainforest Action Network boycott of Mitsubishi; the Farm Labor Organizing Committee boycott of Mt. Olive Pickle Company; and the Carrotmob buycott of a liquor store. The circuit of culture framework and a radically contextual approach provide a more nuanced analysis of consumer-based advocacy campaigns.

Abstract: Over the past few decades, conflicts over resources have increased in scale and intensity. They are frequently dominated by environmental nongovernmental organizations (ENGOs) that fight, boycott, lobby, and negotiate with other interest groups to privilege nonindustrial, particularly environmental, values of resources. This article proposes an environmental bargaining framework to analyze the many and varied forms of interactions and processes through which ENGOs seek to change existing practices and decision structures. Drawing on political economy and political ecology approaches, environmental bargaining recognizes the importance of multiple perspectives, strategies of actors, and the regional context. Conceptually, the article interprets environmental conflicts along two dimensions: the distribution of power between actors and forms of interaction ranging from confrontational to collaborative. Examples from British Columbia, Canada, and Tasmania, Australia, reveal the value of comparative per...

Abstract: What are the moral costs of democratic trade with dictatorships, and what action these costs demand of our elected governments? This article develops as a Rousseauian answer the idea that democracies ought to boycott corrupt dictatorships and establish themselves collectively as an autarkic bloc, in order to reform not others but themselves. I articulate the basis for this democratic disengagement, first through a reconstruction of Rousseau's social contract, as seeking to replace corrupt dependence with egalitarian interdependence between citizens. I then examine the potential for egalitarian interdependence between democracies that treat their citizens equally as collectively sovereign, contrasted with corrupting cooperation between democracies and dictatorships, which distorts democracies’ values, specifically by making them complicit in despots’ theft of their peoples’ resources. Ending this corruption requires disengagement, elaborated here first against liberal objections and then against skeptic criticism.

Abstract: Dropping the torch: Jimmy Carter, the Olympic boycott, and the Cold War, Nicholas Evan Sarantakes, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, 340 pp., $28.99 (paperback), ISBN 09780521176668 Drop...

Abstract: Drawing from four different case studies of multinational corporations in the Middle East, we present a framework for understanding the phenomenon of product boycotts driven by socio-political reasons. We present three sets of actions that trigger boycott calls: government actions, corporate actions, and individual actions. The strategies used by boycott organizers to generate awareness for their campaign and to manage media usage to target desired audiences are also discussed. We review a number of strategies available to multinationals to respond to boycott calls.

Abstract: We present a business situation encountered by several multinational corporations as they faced social boycotts of their products in countries where the policies of their home country’s government were unpopular. The case examines the issues surrounding the boycott of Danish products following the publication of cartoons depicting the likeness of Prophet Muhammad in what was interpreted as blasphemous by Muslim consumers.

Abstract: Collective punishment has a notorious reputation among moral philosophers. If we take it to mean the imposition of punitive measures on groups (I elaborate on this meaning later in the chapter), collective punishment raises two normative issues that many philosophers find particularly troubling. The first concerns the extent to which groups are the appropriate subjects of punishment. Here the question is, are groups moral agents that are responsible for their actions and should be held to account when they act wrongly? The second difficulty concerns the impact of collective punishment on group members . Here the question is, is it justified to impose burdens on individuals by virtue of the fact that their group caused a collective harm? To see these problems more clearly, consider the proposed academic boycott against Israeli universities (the subject of heated debates in recent years in British academia). Briefly, the proponents of the boycott recommend the elimination of professional ties with Israeli academic institutions, in light of the latter's alleged support of the Israeli government policies. However, does it make sense to argue that academic institutions act in a condemnable manner? Are institutions themselves the proper subject of moral reactions such as anger, resentment, or condemnation? Moreover, even if it can be shown that Israeli academic institutions acted in a way that merits condemnation, boycotting them will harm the individual academics who work in those institutions. Can this distributive effect be justified?

Abstract: The ongoing war of delegitimization against Israel has produced two major setbacks for the Jewish State: the passage of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379 on November 10, 1975 (Zionism is racism) and the UN World Conference against Racism, which took place in Durban from August 31 to September 7, 2001. Viewing these events from a historical perspective, it becomes clear that each represents a different phase of the same war. Although the General Assembly revoked this resolution on December 16, 1991, the players at Durban succeeded in reviving the libel that “Zionism is racism” and converting it into a political program. In fact, Article 418 of the NGO resolution of Durban of September 3, 2001 called for the “reinstitution” of UNGA resolution 3379. In this context, the lineage of the current campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) goes back to the 1960s when, under the auspices of the UN, the earliest discussions that labeled apartheid as a form of racism took place. Indeed, the stated purpose of Durban and today’s BDS movement is to assure that Zionism is equated with apartheid and racism and, following the South African model, to bring about Israel’s destruction.2 Both in 1975 and in 2001, the Palestinians, in cooperation with external sponsors and with the support of a group of African and Islamic countries, launched such initiatives. In the first case, the Soviet Union was the major mover and, in the second, Iran.

Abstract: In recent years, consumer boycotts are increasingly being used by various activist groups to punish targeted countries. This paper develops an analytic framework to help managers formulate strategies to cope with country-of-origin-related consumer boycotts. Based on the two dimensions of brand-country association and boycott intensity, we propose four possible strategies. We discuss spillover effects wherein certain firms become unintended victims of boycotts due to misperceptions about their nationality. Also discussed are economic opportunities that boycotts present to potential new entrants.

Abstract: Lost amongst the contemporary debate over Zimbabwe's place in world sport (and especially international cricket) is an awareness that its predecessor state, Rhodesia, had itself been the target of ...

Abstract: In 2008 an Austrian animal rights organization announced a boycott of Hungarian foie gras, arguing that force-feeding geese and ducks constitutes animal cruelty. The case received a lot of media attention and quickly evolved into a bitter conflict. The article scrutinizes the case as an example of postsocialist conflicts around ethics and morality and the concept of common good. The incident demonstrates not only unexpected obstacles for Hungary to be accepted as civilizationally European but also for Hungarian farmers’ ability to act as morally sovereign self-regulating subjects in a neoliberal world.

Abstract: The study examines the suitability of the Internet as the primary tool for organizing boycotts. Unlike previous studies that treated boycotts as homogeneous events, this study followed Friedman’s (1999) taxonomy of boycotts and examined the different classes of boycotts. It extends Friedman’s five boycott groups to 7 using Garrett’s (1987) definition of boycotts, and using theories of economics and social contracts and reputation develops a number of propositions regarding the suitability of the Internet as primary tool for organizing different classes of boycotts.

Abstract: Competitive surfing, although a marginal sporting tradition in South Africa, was shaped by the international sports boycott against apartheid. From the late 1970s to 1990, white South African amateur and professional surfers attempted to adapt to sports isolation in different ways: excluded from the world surfing titles, Springbok teams participated in rebel tours; and professionals had to deal with passport problems when travelling on the world surfing tour as well as an Australian led boycott of South African contests. In contextualising surfing within the political, this essay examines how South African surfing's official discourse attempted to separate sport from politics. In this it was unsuccessful and, by 1990, South Africa was a surfing nation in crisis as a direct result of international sanctions against the sport.

Abstract: When the powerful turn their backs to justice, when they channel their solidarity to the oppressor, it becomes the task of the powerless to band together and fight for what is right. This is a general principle of solidarity against oppression, one that the world has witnessed in action time and time again, from the civil war in Spain, through occupied Vietnam and Algeria, to apartheid South Africa. Such solidarity is not new in the case of Palestine. For over 60 years, activists around the world have worked to put an end to the Zionist injustices against the Palestinian people. We have witnessed an important shift, however, in the forms that this solidarity has taken. Solidarity with the Palestinian liberation struggle since 2005 has largely taken the form of a global campaign to isolate the Israeli regime on every level, under the banner of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS), until Israel complies with international law.1

Abstract: Approved: ____________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________ Title and Department ____________________________________ Date 1 LEGITIMACY AND THE POLITICS OF OPPOSITION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA by Gail Jeanne Buttorff A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in Political Science in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa

Abstract: Eight years can be an eternity in the history of the Olympics. In 1976, the Eighteenth Summer Olympics at Montreal failed to generate enough Gamesrelated income to cover the costs incurred in hosting the event, with a shortfall of some $1.2 billion. At a time of economic recession in North America the Games were seen as costly and of inconsequential benefi t to host cities. The 1976 Games themselves were affected by a sub-Saharan boycott and were still mired by the terrorist atrocity of the previous Munich Games. The future of the International Olympic Committee itself was at stake. In 1984, the Los Angeles Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games embraced and refi ned the commercial forces surrounding the Games. Labelled at the time the ‘Burger Games’, due to the close involvement of corporate sponsors including McDonalds, the event produced an operating profi t of between $215 and $225 million (Magdalinski and Nauright, 2004), and created a tangible legacy for the Amateur Athletic Federation of Los Angeles (AAFLA). The key to this success was the minimal outlay of expenditure by using existing venues and tying sponsors into providing in-kind services as well as pure fi nance. A variant of the fi nancing model used is now current IOC practice and a viable and successful Olympic movement is the result.

Abstract: IntroductionSports diplomacy is when sport is used as a political tool for enhancement, but which sometimes, worsens diplomatic relations between two countries. Sports diplomacy has been defined as 'the whole range of international contacts and competitions that have implications for the overall relations between the nations concerned' (Peppard & Riordan, 1993, 2). Even though this definition draws attention to issues and relations between states and within a single state, it also provides scope for analysing the actions of domestic and international non-state actors, and how the use of sport as a tool of diplomacy is applied in relation to the target state or states concerned. By its nature, sport is a highly sensitive, conditional, contextual and ambivalent means of communication. The inherent unpredictability of results in sports diplomacy is one of the risks taken by those who initiate or sponsor it (Peppard & Riordan, 1993, 6). The attraction of sports diplomacy is that it is a relatively lowcost, low risk but high profile tool of foreign policy, by which states and non-state actors are able to publicise their views on the actions and policies of others (Houlihan, 1994). The coexistence of sport and politics dates from the 9th century BC, when the institution of the truce or Ekecheiria, was established in ancient Greece by the signing of the international treaty by three Kings- Iphitos of Elis, Cleosthenes of Pisa and Lycurgus of Sparta. Close on their heels, all the other Greek cities ratified this agreement which recognised the permanent immunity or the sanctuary of sports persons at Olympia. By this agreement sports persons could travel to take part in sports events held at different places with protection from the authorities. However, for many centuries after that sport was overlooked, and it only regained importance in the 19th century.Sport was rediscovered by politics in the early 20th century, when the Olympic Games were revived in 1896. Within a short time the Games had developed into platforms for national competition and political leverage. Olympics are a leading example of using sports for diplomatic purposes. Other sports like cricket, table tennis and association football too, are being used in the global arena.OlympicsGoing far back as the 1936 Olympics, Adolf Hitler used it as a stage to promote Aryan superiority for Germany with his ideological belief of racial supremacy (Bachrach, 1936).The Olympics were used as a means of hardening the German spirit and instilling unity among the German youth. The global stage of the Olympics in 1968 was to highlight to the world the plight of the African-American struggle during the civil rights movement in their home country. In 1972, the Israeli Olympics team was massacred in an attack by Palestinian gunmen that started at the Olympic village and resulted in the death of 17 people. In 1980, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan led to a boycott of the Moscow Games by the Western powers and their allies in protest of Russian actions. In the Los Angeles Olympics of 1984, the Soviet Bloc led a retaliatory boycott of the Games.Table TennisThe most important and well recognised instance of sports-meets-politics is the famous 1971 table tennis game between host China and the United States, often dubbed 'ping-pong diplomacy'. This match led to a thaw in Sino-American relations and finally to US President Richard Nixon's rapprochement with China.CricketCricket too has a role to play in sporting diplomacy. Cricket tours between India and Pakistan were revived in 2004 in the wake of diplomatic steps to bury half a century of mutual hostility. Both sides relaxed their tough visa regulations, allowing thousands of fans to travel across the border (Field, 2010). In order to replicate cricket diplomacy of the past, General Pervez Musharraf, ex-President of Pakistan, had come to India in 2005 for a cricket match which ended on the note of a Summit. …

Abstract: Martin Luther King's 1965 address from Montgomery, Alabama, the center of much racial conflict at the time and the location of the well-publicized bus boycott a decade earlier, is often considered by historians to be the culmination of the civil rights era in American history. In his momentous speech, King declared that segregation was "on its deathbed" and that the movement had already achieved significant milestones. Although the civil rights movement had won many battles in the struggle for racial equality by the mid-1960s, including legislation to guarantee black voting rights and to desegregate public accommodations, the fight to implement the new laws was just starting. In reality, King's speech in Montgomery represented a new beginning rather than a conclusion to the movement, a fact that King acknowledged in the address. After the Dream: Black and White Southerners since 1965 begins where many histories of the civil rights movement end, with King's triumphant march from the iconic battleground of Selma to Montgomery. Timothy J. Minchin and John Salmond focus on events in the South following the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After the Dream examines the social, economic, and political implications of these laws in the decades following their passage, discussing the empowerment of black southerners, white resistance, accommodation and acceptance, and the nation's political will. The book also provides a fascinating history of the often-overlooked period of race relations during the presidential administrations of Ford, Carter, Reagan, and both George H. W. and George W. Bush. Ending with the election of President Barack Obama, this study will influence contemporary historiography on the civil rights movement.

Abstract: Deux parmi les quelques lettres publiees ici: l'une du mathematicien allemand Edmund Landau, l'autre du mathematicien americain Edwin Bidwell Wilson, donnent des eclaircissements sur les positions politiques de leurs auteurs par rapport au boycott de la science allemande du debut des annees 1920. Elles documentent le refus croissant de ce boycott, non seulement de la part des Allemands, mais aussi de la part de la communaute mathematique aux Etats- Unis.

Abstract: This paper argues that sweatshop workers’ choices to accept the conditions of their employment are morally significant, both as an exercise of their autonomy and as an expression of their preferences. This fact establishes a moral claim against interference in the conditions of sweatshop labor by third parties such as governments or consumer boycott groups. It should also lead us to doubt those who call for MNEs to voluntarily improve working conditions, at least when their arguments are based on the claim that workers have a moral right to such improvement.

Abstract: edited issues 71 & 72, Autumn 2011 & Spring 2011 with Alun Howkins Every ten years a frisson passes through the diasporic world of British family history when the manuscript census forms compiled a hundred years earlier become available to the modern historian. The 1911 manuscript census was released unexpectedly early – and online – in January 2009. Overnight, and with relative ease, family historians could take the next step along the trail of their own micro-history. For other historians too the release of these records was exciting and significant. The 1911 census was the site of a battle in the campaign for women’s suffrage: militant suffrage organizations called for members and supporters to boycott the census. Jill Liddington and Elizabeth Crawford have used the enumerators’ forms to examine the suffragette claims of its success, and to detail the distinction between evasion (going somewhere to avoid being counted) and resistance (refusing to supply information on the census form, perhaps with the words ‘No Vote No Census’). Their essay, ‘Women do not count, nor shall they be counted’, suggests that support for the suffrage boycott was more widespread than political membership implies; at the same time they open up the wider issue of the politically tense relationship among feminists between the campaign for the vote and the promise of welfare reform, which had shaped the 1911 census.

Abstract: This article introduces the AALS Section on Labor Relations & Employment’s January 2011 Program, 'Author Meets Reader: Jack Getman’s Restoring the Power of Unions,' while exploring the significance of the contemporaneous union boycott of the Union Square Hilton, the primary site of the AALS 2011 Meeting. When the national leadership of the AALS proved unresponsive to UNITE HERE’s entreaties, a group of interested law professors undertook to convince the organization to relocate its conference using a combination of direct appeals to AALS leadership and grassroots mobilization of faculty attendees. Like many of the union movements described in Jack Getman’s monograph and the panelists’ papers, the UNITE HERE Hilton campaign both frustrated and inspired. The underlying dispute reflected the difficulties of achieving fair results for workers in an era of globalization and during a time of economic hardship. It also underscored the basic conflict at the heart of labor/management relations – the tension between those with power and voice and those without. Yet the Hilton dispute also confirmed Getman’s optimistic message about the potential for successful labor movements. The AALS’s response to the Hilton boycott inspired a mini-movement among interested law professors who stood publically with the union and worked within the Academy to garner support for the boycott. That experience brought home the power of UNITE HERE’s organizational and bargaining strategy – a combination of worker-driven, grassroots action combined with broad, public attacks on corporate interests and vulnerabilities – a strategy that has proved critical to its ability to secure contract victories despite the powerful forces aligned against contemporary labor unions.

Abstract: This paper argues that the violation of justice in Palestine began in 1948 and was deepened in 1967 with the further occupation and de-development of Palestine which continues to this day. For forty two years, international law has been defied by Israel with one excuse after another that few people accept. Israel has persistently built more and more settlements and separations that make the basic human right to education and health near impossible for the Palestinians. Whilst international aid has been necessary, it has been politically ineffective in halting the capture and annexing of more and more Palestinian land. More Palestinians are removed from Jerusalem every day as violence upon violence is piled on the people of Palestine. This paper argues that this is unacceptable for the international family of higher education. It argues that universities around the world should take a political lead in response to the call from Palestinian and other peace workers to build the Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions movement in global civil society. This paper moves the position that history has built up to a point where justice for Palestine is now an undeniable global issue for people of conscience everywhere. The situation is such that universities cannot step back and leave it to politicians. Academics and students must speak out and take a lead in ending the day to day abuse of basic Palestinian rights.