Abstract: While the threat of boycotts has become an important consideration in management decision-making, there has been little research of factors influencing an individual's motivation to participate in a boycott. This paper examines self-enhancement and need for consistency as possible explanations. It also adapts theories about pressure group motivations underlying calls for boycotts to explain individual motives for boycott participation. An empirical study found perceived egregiousness of a company's actions predicted boycott participation. However, the findings demonstrate that people differ in their reasons for participating in a boycott and that most individuals have mixed motivations, though instrumental motivations appear to predominate.

Abstract: Twenty years in the making, this book is the definitive study of the political cultures that reigned in the three Alabama cities central to the development of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. With this bold offering, J. Mills Thornton III presents a landmark publication on the struggle for racial equality in America. After two decades of painstaking research, he tells the story of the civil rights movement from the perspective of community municipal history - at the grassroots level. Thornton demonstrates that the movement had powerful local sources in its three birth cities - Montgomery, Birmingham, and Selma. There, the arcane mechanisms of state and city governance and the missteps of municipal politicians and civic leaders - independent of emerging national trends in racial mores - led to the great swell of energy for change that became the civil rights movement. In Montgomery, the term served by liberal Dave Birmingham on the city council, his defeat by segregationist Clyde Sellers, and the consequent search by black leaders for a way to influence the political process outside of local elections were all vital to the origins of the bus boycott. In Birmingham, civil rights protests exploded in direct response to the business community's decision to engineer the abolition of the city council as a governing body. And in Selma, Joe Smitherman's defeat of Chris Heinz in 1964 ignited intense feelings of social commitment in the black community that led to voter registration drives.

Abstract: The Politics of South African Cricket analyses the relationship between politics and sport, in particular cricket, in South Africa. South African Cricket embraces an ethos that is symbolic of a wider held belief system and as such has distinctive political connotations in the region. Sport in South Africa is certainly influenced by forces beyond the playing field, but politics too can be influenced by the social and economic force of sport. Focusing on the sports boycott as a political strategy, Jon Gemmell analyses the relationship between sport and politics through a historical analysis of South African cricket. He employs case studies to explore the relationship between politics and South African cricket and argues convincingly that cricket assisted the reform process by undermining the legitimacy of the apartheid regime.

Abstract: In the June 2000 referendum, Ugandans were asked to choose between the existing 'movement' system and a multiparty system. Bratton and Lambright (BL) did a survey of people's attitudes to democracy and argued that there was an 'extensive "silent" boycott' of the referendum 'among persons who sympathized with the idea of multiparty competition'. Such people did not like the referendum choice 'which they interpreted as being between a hegemonic movement and an unacceptable set of old political parties'. This main finding is questioned. Apart from methodological problems, it is argued that more context-specific analyses of the referendum results are needed to understand public opinion in Uganda about democracy and the movement system. More importantly, BL ignore the fact that the movement system is a combination of no-party political arrangements and devolution, implicitly assuming that the latter has no impact on present attitudes to government systems and democracy. There is a need to conceptualize and assess the significance of devolution in democratization processes in Africa and how it may influence public opinion on democracy. SINCE THE END OF THE 1980s, MUCH OF AFRICA has seen a move away from authoritarian forms of government back to multiparty systems. This is one of the most important political developments on the continent during the last three decades.2 Uganda is an important exception to this general trend. Here President Museveni and the National Resistance Movement (NRM) have invented a system of government - the movement system - which they claim is more suitable for Africa than Western-style multiparty competition. It has three main features. All Ugandans are deemed to be members of the NRM. Moreover, political parties are allowed to exist, but are banned from most political activities. Finally, a substantial devolution ('decentralization' in Ugandan parlance) of authority, resources and political processes has occurred through Resistance (now called Local) Councils. The process Ole Therkildsen is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen. He wishes to thank Astrid Blom, Julie Koch, Jorgen Elklit and Stig Jensen for valuable comments.

Abstract: Public policies such as regulation, antitrust, and international trade are the result of public politics - a competition over who gets what with government the arbiter of that competition. Policies are a so chosen by private parties without the command or sanction of government. Private policies often result from pressure from interest groups that can be independent of government. Such activity and the responses to it represent private politics - a competition over who gets what that takes place outside the arenas of government. This paper provides a theory of private politics focusing on an activist that generates a boycott to induce a firm to change its policies. The mode consists of two games. In the first members of the public decide when and how much to boycott the firm based on information they receive. A person's action reveals information, which represents a public good, and that person has an incentive to act early so as to lead others to act. In the second game the activist and the firm bargain to settle the boycott, and the settlement represents a private policy. The equilibrium of the games provides an industrial organization of activist groups, their targets, and the issues that attract boycotts.

Abstract: How could late Qing China, a country bound largely by parochial ties of family, clan, and native place, produce a nationwide mass movement? Was this popular outburst symptomatic of a domestic "nationalist awakening," as historians of modern China claim, or a result of pressure from Chinese overseas suffering under harsh U.S. immigration laws, as students of American history contend? In considering these vying explanations for the boycott of American products, Wang identifies a coalition of interests that came together to shape the movement's strategy, objectives, and outcome. He explores the larger structural and organisational resources available to boycott organisers and participants and the role of this common experience in laying the groundwork for later reform and revolutionary movements.

Abstract: This book examines the 1905 anti-American boycott movement, an important and yet neglected urban protest in Chinese social, political, and diplomatic history. It focuses on some of the areas that have been overlooked by existing works: a comparative study of the urban history of two boycott centers, Shanghai and Guangzhou; the involvement of the Chinese overseas; the role of the boycott in the 1911 Revolution; the propaganda techniques and mobilization strategies of this social movement; and the impact of the event on Chinese foreign relations. This book also draws attention to the legacy of the boycott: the nonviolent boycott as a means of resisting foreign aggression became both the dominant form of anti-foreign protests and an endemic feature of political life during the first decades of the Chinese Republic. The 1905 boycott, the author argues, signified the rise of the popular protests of twentieth-century China.

Abstract: (2002). The Sports Boycott and Cricket: The Cancellation of the 1970 South African Tour of England. South African Historical Journal: Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 219-249.

Abstract: Between 1965 and 1979, economic boycotts were a principal form of insurgency for Black activists in Mississippi. After 1964, in several communities, the boycott of White-owned commerce became the primary tactic utilized by human rights forces to disrupt the system of segregation. These boycotts relied upon paramilitary organization to protect the activities and leadership of the Mississippi freedom movement and the Black community in general and to sanction anyone in the Black community who wished to violate the boycott. This paradigm of economic boycotts supported by paramilitary organization was first utilized in 1965 in Natchez. Natchez is a commercial center in southwest Mississippi. The combination of economic boycott with armed resistance posed an effective coercive campaign to pressure the local White power structure for concessions demanded by the movement. The insurgent model of Natchez was replicated throughout the state, particularly in Black communities of southwest Mississippi.

Abstract: The literature on economic sanctions consists of a series of studies assessing whether sanctions ''worked'' or not. Very little has been written on the factors that make economic sanctions more effective at achieving their intended purposes. This article examines the threatened 1979 Arab world boycott of Canada after Prime Minister Joe Clark announced the government's intention to relocate its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. After determining that sanctions played a contributing role in motivating a Canadian policy reversal, it generates hypotheses from this misunderstood case about the political and economic factors that can contribute to the success of economic sanctions.

Abstract: World fisheries are over-harvested and under-protected. Only governmental cooperation and a consumer boycott can avoid a global fishing catastrophe

Abstract: The dialectical relationship between "globalism" and "localism" is perhaps the defining dialectic of international and intercultural dynamics at the beginning of the new millennium; indeed, the tragic events of September 11,2001, and subsequent events can be linked to (although not reduced to) tensions between desires to preserve "local" cultures, traditions, religious values, etc., and the increasing impositions of global modernism. Lubos Kropacek of the Institute for the Near East and Africa of Charles University in Prague and one of the Czech Republic's leading authorities on Islam suggested in an interview published in The Prague Post (October 10-16, 2001) that these tensions may have played a pivotal role in the motivations underlying the September attacks. After the Soviets left Afghanistan, Kropacek maintains, bin Laden "started being active internationally. He targeted America as the main object of his hate. These hostile feelings toward America [were] usually accompanied by a kind of bitterness against the process of globalization. Sometimes, globalization is just labeled as Americanism, because in the ... cultural sphere-which affects ordinary people most after all-it is perceived as penetration of the American lifestyle ... an arrogant pushing out the traditional ways that are considered very valuable by the Muslim community" ("Scholar Ponders." Ellipses in original). Dennis Ross (2001), envoy to the Middle East in the Clinton administration, succinctly claims that the attacks were upon "America and modernity itself." The conflation of America and American values with the forces of globalism and modernity is equally evident in reactions of some traditional and/or fundamentalist Muslim communities to U.S.-led attacks on the Taliban. After the bombing of Afghanistan began, so too began the backlash, and the immediate targets of the backlash were as frequently symbols of globalization as symbols of the United States of America: "In Pakistan, crowds vandalized McDonald's outlets in Islamabad and Karachi. In Indonesia, demonstrators burned an American flag outside a McDonald's restaurant in the resort town of Makassar and then stormed it, and across the country in Yogyatarta, other protesters blockaded yet another McDonald's. Elsewhere, throngs vented their displeasure with the policies of the U.S. government by descending on Pizza Hut restaurants, Dunkin' Donuts stands, a Nike store, even defacing billboards for KFC restaurants, Coca-Cola, Pepsi and other American corporations" (Barboza 1). Similarly, "Muslim clerics in Lucknow, India, urged the faithful to boycott all things American and British, including airlines, movies and television programs" (Barboza 4). This conflation is not new; it is not an outgrowth of recent bellicosity from any of the principals involved in the current war but rather may be better understood as an underlying condition of the bellicosity. For instance, even before Sept. 11, McDonald's was a lightening rod for protest globally, and "its restaurants have been vandalized by people angry about many things, from genetically modified foods to globalization to U.S. foreign policy" (Barboza 4). The point here is not to reduce the currently raging "war on terrorism" to the dialectical tensions between globalism and localism but rather simply to suggest that these tensions are an important part of a broader picture of which the war itself is but a part. Although the essays in this special issue were all written well prior to the events of September, they are nonetheless centrally concerned with this broader dialectic between the forces of global modernism and local preservation, and as such their relevance to the current world crisis is indirect but nonetheless palpable. If indeed the dialectical relationship between "globalism" and "localism" is a central determinant of international and intercultural dynamics in the world today, then these essays offer important avenues into understanding better the nature of that dialectic. …

Abstract: This paper examines the structural changes in Israeli trade trends since the 1970s. Structural change tests do not reject the null of no breaks in Israeli trade trends after Israel signed FTA agreements with the EEC and the USA, or after Israel's 1991 new trade policy. The tests, however, show significant evidence for breakpoints in 1993 in Israel's trade shares with three countries who had adhered strongly to the Arab boycott. This result suggests that the Middle East peace process, which began in 1991, considerably weakened the boycott and brought about positive changes in Israeli long-term trade patterns.

Abstract: S cience often finds itself intertwined with politics Sometimes that is because science has important consequences for society and thus generates strong partisan disagreement, as in the contemporary international debates over stem cells and cloning At other times, it happens because political movements seek support from scientific arguments and recruit experts to make them These entanglements, although not always welcome, are an inevitable consequence of the fact that science matters Occasionally though, scientists drag politics into science by the heels, rather than the other way around That's what's happening now, as a largely European movement urges a scientific boycott to punish Israel for its recent military actions against Palestinian cities in the West Bank Academic boycotts, of course, are not new: Many US and European professors, including scientists, declined to visit institutions and colleagues in South Africa in the 1980s to protest against apartheid Whether that was preferable to continued scientific engagement is doubtful, but the question of whether to visit a nation or to decline out of one's political convictions is plainly a matter on which an individual is free to follow his or her conscience But some of the practices now emerging are quite different and deserve careful attention from the scientific community In a case recently brought to Science 's attention, an Israeli researcher asked an author of papers in two peer-reviewed journals to supply cells from a clone used in expression analyses The author declined, citing her institution's protests against the recent Israeli military actions It was a particularly ironic refusal, because the research being conducted by the group in Israel involves a collaboration with Palestinian scientists that is aimed quite directly at benefiting Palestinians The author's refusal is a clear violation of the policies in place at most journals and commonly understood in the scientific community When authors submit a manuscript, they make a commitment to supply cells, special reagents, or other materials necessary for verification They are not free to violate that commitment once their paper has been published Science 's Instructions to Contributors set out the rule this way: “Any reasonable request for materials and methods necessary to verify the conclusions of the experiments reported must be honored” On occasion, we have had to encourage compliance by interceding with authors on behalf of persons requesting materials After the Israeli scientist was refused the clone by the author, he contacted the editors of both journals in which the paper had appeared One didn't reply; the other contacted the publisher, Ken Plaxton at Elsevier Plaxton replied: “We do not have, nor wish to have, any influence on personal decisions made by contributors to our journals and cannot, I am afraid, in this instance help you further” That, it seems to us, is an inadequate response The refusenik's rationale has two parts First it says, in effect, that the government of Israel has committed a morally repugnant act; part two asserts that this justifies the cancellation of an obligation to the entire scientific community The first claim would be sure to stir up vigorous debate in most places; but we don't need to get into that, because the second part is so unimpressive Its essential claim is that one's personal political convictions trump all other commitments and values We've heard that before, and we don't buy it As we have reported from time to time, a National Research Council committee is currently studying rules governing access to data and materials At a workshop in February, the standard for sharing these received strong endorsement; indeed, it may be extended to materials requested for further work, not merely for verification Science , believing that the consensus on this issue is firm, will continue to insist that authors have an obligation to share material—cell lines, knockout mice, reagents, etc—with readers who request them, unless such transfers are prohibited by laws or regulations, such as those designed to deter bioterrorism We will continue to intercede with authors who refuse: first with persuasion and then, if necessary, by imposing penalties relating to future publication Perhaps there are plausible excuses for failure to comply with the sharing requirement, like “We ran out,” or “The dog ate my culture” But “We don't like your government” just won't do

Abstract: Preferential treatment for non-whites entered South Africa through two channels of technical innovation: via legislation, after the ANC leaders had devoted considerable thought in exile in the mid-1980s to the goals of the post-apartheid constitution (affirmative action was deliberately chosen as a highly negotiable system, unlike expropriation and redistribution measures); and via corporate government, when at about the same time pressure increased in favor of an international boycott against the country of apartheid (it was on the basis of good behavior as regards staff policy, embodied in the respect of the racial equality principles of the Sullivan Code that foreign investors long justified their presence in the country, against the opinion of boycott advocates). These two importations prior to the change in regime have gained substance in the new South Africa.

Abstract: Pubic policies such as reguation, antitrust, and international trade are the result of public politics--a competition over who gets what with government the arbiter of that competition. Policies are also chosen by private parties without the command or sanction of government. Private policies often result from pressure from interest groups that can be independent of government. Such activity and the responses to it represent private politics--a competition over who gets what that takes place outside the arenas of government. This paper provides a theory of private politics focusing on an activist that generates a boycott to induce a firm to change its policies. The mode consists of two games. In the first members of the public decide when and how much to boycott the firm based on information they receive. A person's action reveals information, which represents a public good, and that person has an incentive to act early so as to ead others to act. In the second game the activist and the firm bargain to settle the boycott, and the settlement represents a private policy. The equilibrium of the games provides an industrial organization of activist groups, their targets, and the issues that attract boycotts.

Abstract: Introduction The history of the modern civil rights movement in America is undeniably the story of cooperation among Blacks, Jews, and other progressive whites in the struggle to gain constitutional rights for Blacks and other dominated minorities. It is a history that is as old as the founding of the American nation, but a story that would reach revolutionary proportions in the 20th century. While the 1960s is frequently described as "the civil rights decade," the legal, intellectual, and organizational seeds that contributed to the success of the modern civil rights struggle were actually planted back at the turn of the 20th century. Foremost in the planting of these seeds was the historic commitment of American Jews to the promotion of civil rights and racial equality. Not only was this commitment expressed through financial support, it was also expressed in kind and in various other forms of personal sacrifice. As far back as to the era of institutionalized slavery, individual members of the Jewish community, in spite of the risk of personal persecution, frequently provided assistance to Blacks in their struggle for liberation. This was the case in the early 1800s when two Jewish brothers paid to liberate a Black man who had been kidnapped from the doorsteps of his home in New Jersey and sold into slavery in the South (Whitman, 2-6). An Established Legacy of Jewish Support for the Black Cause It was largely with the help of Jewish philanthropy that the largest and longest lasting civil rights organization in the U.S., the NAACP, was founded in 1909. Among its founding parents were a number of Jewish leaders, including Henry Moskowitz, Lilian Wald, Emil Hirsch, and Stephen Wise--all of whose signatures remain to this day appended to the organization's founding charter. For nearly a quarter century, from 1914 to 1939, Joel E. Spingarn, another Jewish leader, would serve as its chairman. Financial contributions that supported the activities of the NAACP in these early years came mainly from such wealthy German-American Jews as William and Julius Rosenwald, Herbert Lehman, and Felix Warburg. Indeed, Julius Rosenwald, alone, funded the building of 5,337 elementary schools for Blacks across the South. These schools contributed to the education of more than 650,000 African Americans--approximately 25 to 40 percent of Blacks who were educated in the South by 1932 (Kaufman, 2). During the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the historic incident that launched the modern civil rights movement, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) received significant donations from northern Jewish organizations (Kaufman, 20-31, 91). MIA is a local grassroots organization that was formed in the wake of the Montgomery Bus Boycott to provide the networking that enabled Blacks to live through the boycott. Under the visionary leadership of Rev. Martin Luther King, its founding president, it developed self-help strategies that enabled Blacks to sustain the boycott. Though very little is known outside of Alabama, MIA was indispensable to the success of the bus boycott. It worked in mobilizing the local community to expand their demonstrations into other areas of the civil rights straggle. Several other prominent civil rights organizations, including the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Congress for Racial Equality received much of their financial support from northern Jewish philanthropists at the height of the modern civil rights movement in the sixties (Kaufman, 63). As wealthy Jewish donors contributed money, talent, and organizational support, young Jewish activists contributed their time, youth and energy. More than two-thirds of the white freedom riders, and over one-third of the volunteers for the campaign for voter registration in the 1960s, were young Jewish students. All in all, an astounding 96 percent of the national Jewish community supported President Kennedy's decision to dispatch federal troops to help enforce desegregation in Montgomery, Alabama in 1961 (Kaufman, 19, 91). …

Abstract: This paper examined Canadian coaches' perceptions of the 1980 boycott of the Moscow Olympic Games and effects on their lives and coaching careers, gathered by in-depth telephone interviews with 24 coaches of the Olympic team. Most of the 25 interview questions were asked earlier of athletes and now rephrased for coaches. In general, the coaches were more concerned about the welfare of their athletes than themselves, directing their energy towards helping their athletes cope with the boycott and, in some cases, to prepare for alternate competitions. The coaches' reactions were more subdued than those of the Canadian athletes affected by the boycott.

Abstract: In present-day Nigeria there are twelve states that have adopted or implemented sharia law. These laws have spawned death sentences for two women accused of adultery. The cases have received international attention, including the boycott of the Miss World contest in Nigeria by pageant contestants upset by the sentences, and the November riots and killings surrounding the pageant's controversy. The Nigerian Federal Government has already intervened to help free the first woman on appeal and to promise to protect the second, and has denied that the pageant was to blame for the riots. However, thousands more northern Nigerian women are affected by sharia laws, which attempt to limit forms of transportation for women and control when and how they will marry.

Abstract: Although Japan enjoyed a variety of links with Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, there were virtually no relations between Japanese and British trade unions before 1945. One exception was contacts between the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Japanese Seamen’s Union (JSU) during the early 1930s. However, following the outbreak of Japan’s war with China in July 1937 relations between trade unions disintegrated and there followed a boycott of Japanese goods in Britain.

Abstract: In October 1973 two crises – one economic, one political – intersected, with dramatic and long term consequences for international relations. On 6 October, Egypt and Syria launched an attack on Israel, and within a few days the major Arab oil producers announced their support by use of the ‘oil weapon’, including a boycott of supplies for countries friendly to Israel and a programme of production cuts. This was followed by the unilateral declaration of a steep increase in the price of oil by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The result was international panic and world recession. Crude oil prices soared by a massive fourfold in just three months. The West's vulnerability had been exposed: it was being held hostage to oil. Yet, despite efforts to address this dependence on oil imports in following years, the 1979 Iranian Revolution triggered a further upward surge in prices. Today, the importance of oil remains at the forefront of the West's foreign policy calculations in the Middle East. In this fascinating and timely new look at the oil crisis, Fiona Venn examines these issues and the more unexpected effects of the crisis. She asks just how much really changed in the economic balance of power. Most importantly she argues that OPEC was used as a scapegoat for the world recession, which had been already underway when the crisis detonated.

Abstract: In the Montgomery bus boycott and the South African anti-pass campaign, women's autonomous organizations initiated actions that catalyzed the mass movements for racial justice and national liberation. The activism of women and their organizations sprang from their particular positioning within systems of multiple oppressions simultaneously experiencing racial/ethnic, class, and gender oppression. In both the United States and South Africa, the particular structural location and autonomous resistance of women of African descent was an important aspect of the political opportunity structure and served as a catalyst that catapulted their respective movements for racial justice and/or national liberation to higher levels. This study employs a gendered and comparative approach to these two resistance campaigns to understand better the effects of interactive and multiplicative inequalities on movement processes and the gendered nature of political opportunities.