Abstract: People's concern for their own reputation can support contracting between a pair of trading partners when one or both are locked in, and among multiple trading partners in close-knit communities where information flows freely In communities where people can hide behind their anonymity, private order, if it is to operate at all, must be organized Private-order organizations in notably diverse settings, from medieval Europe to present-day Mexico, work in similar ways An organization such as a market intermediary or a trade association disseminates information about contractual breaches and coordinates the community's response to breaches The usual sanction is to boycott the offender In countries making a transition from planned to market economies, private order acts in place of the inadequate legal system We use data from a survey of firms in five transition economies in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union to show that in these transition economies social networks and informal gossip substitute for the formal legal system, while business networks and trade associations work in conjunction with the formal legal system

Abstract: "If we were fired from the factory, I could go to school, but then who would feed my mother and sister?" --Shahadat, 14, Bangladeshi garment worker, 1995(2) Child labor, as pointed out above, is not as straightforward a problem as it might seem. At least 250 million children between the ages of five and fourteen work worldwide. That estimate is low, and the real number of working children is most likely much greater. More than 120 million of these children are employed full-time, which means that they probably do not attend school.(3) Child labor is overwhelmingly a phenomenon of the informal economy While some children can be found in low-skill, low-tech and poorly regulated sectors of the formal economy, most working children work in agriculture, services, small-scale manufacturing and other sectors that are difficult to monitor.(4) In most countries, laws limit the employment of children in the formal sector, although these laws are not often vigorously enforced. Other factors minimizing the number of children working in formal workplaces include the presence of adult trade unions and the relatively high education, skill and physical strength demanded by most formal-sector employers. During the last two decades, an international movement has emerged to eliminate or at least seriously reduce child labor. The movement represents a multiplicity of forces with a variety of motives that have converged because of, among other things, the pressures of globalization.(5) In the early 1980s and 1990s, international concerns about children produced a series of international conventions and commemorative declarations on children's issues. These spurred multilateral institutions (such as the International Labor Organization and UNICEF), governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and academics to conduct new research. Meanwhile, two other forces had a major influence on the revival of child labor issues. First, NGOs mushroomed both as critics of and as partial replacements for the failure of many governments to deliver adequate health, education and other social services to children and poor families. Second, the increase in international trade, finance and investment, and the disruption that this created in some industries caused trade unions and workers to become active in the anti-child labor movement. This was largely due to a perceived threat to the jobs of adult workers and outrage about the exploitation of children. Attention generated by activists, unions, politicians, journalists and others convinced some consumers in developed nations to boycott child-made imports. The scope of such boycotts is a subject of debate, but they did pressure governments and businesses into exposing and reducing child labor. Many businesses responded with corporate codes of conduct and support for social programs for children, such as building new schools. Some businesses adopted purchase, sales and marketing strategies that promoted goods purportedly not made by children. And in some of these businesses, child labor has decreased.(6) This international movement has made substantive progress in describing the child labor problem and developing solutions. Unfortunately, public attention has been partially misdirected and public policies have occasionally brought harm to the very children they were intended to help. The reasons stem from a popular misunderstanding. Contrary to popular perceptions, most child labor occurs not in sanctioned industry, but in the informal economy. This is a rather large misunderstanding: The informal economy makes up from one-third to two-thirds of the economies of developing nations, and although it is much smaller in developed countries, it is still large enough to be a repository of child labor.(7) Reasons for this misunderstanding are not hard to spot. The US anti-child labor movement, one of the primary drivers of the debate, has focused attention on child labor in imports from industrial or semi-industrial workplaces. …

Abstract: Broken Hill is one of the few localities in Australia in which a local working class managed to establish 'hegemony' over the local social and political structure. While many of the ideas, institutions and practices which were to underwrite working-class control were evident in earlier years, it was only in the inter-war period that this control was effectively asserted and consolidated; it was only then that Broken Hill became truly a 'union town'. This study focuses on three key aspects of the extension of union influence and control in this locality in the inter-war years: a concerted drive to unionise town employees; a related campaign to extend union and working-class control over local commodity supplies and prices; and an accompanying demobilisation of married women. The one section of the Broken Hill working class which was effectively demobilised at this time was married women. This particular conjunction of class solidarity and gender marginalisation generated its own contradictions. While women willingly participated in boycott action in support of improved wages and family income, they refused to surrender the one real site of economic autonomy left to them household spending and consumption. The male unionist strategies may have achieved the desired economic ends but by entrenching gender power inequality, these strategies also constrained the potential for class mobilisation.

Abstract: Germany is the EU member state with the most difficult situation (besides Austria) for marketing genetically modified (GM) crops and food. At the same time, it shows the least administrative effort to respond to the reasons for this situation – public suspicion and protest. Regulators advocate specific precaution-related measures, including marketstage monitoring; these measures, however, do not relate to the primary demands of critics and opponents. The administration’s claim to prioritize scientific evidence over politics constructs the administration and the public as two separate worlds without real mediation. This conflicts with the ever-growing demands for public participation. Participation in a broader sense, however, is not dependent on formal opportunities. In this conflict, NGOs bring up issues of democracy, transparency and precaution through public mobilization. This strategy results in an anticipated consumer boycott and thereby a commercial blockage of GM products. These dynamics can be ana...

Abstract: One prominent explanation for the failure of economic sanctions is that they usually fail to impose significant economic penalties upon domestic groups powerful enough to change the policies of the target government. Interestingly, this was not true in one of the most important cases of economic sanctions, the British and UN sanctions against Rhodesia from 1965 to 1979. Central to these sanctions, which were intended to pressure Rhodesia’s white minority government to accept eventual majority rule in this central African colony, was a boycott of the colony’s tobacco exports. Tobacco accounted for 10 per cent of Rhodesia’s GDP and 34 per cent of its export earnings in the year before the boycott. The colony’s tobacco growers were also the single most powerful economic interest group in Rhodesian politics, strongly organised into the Rhodesian Tobacco Association (RTA) and well placed to influence government policy. Not only did the colony’s political institutions systematically over-represent the colony’s white agricultural and rural interests, so too did the structure of the colony’s ruling political party, the Rhodesian Front (RF), which had strong ties to the colony’s agricultural regions. As a result, the growers were widely regarded as the single most important constituency of the RF government (see Galtung, 1967, p. 396; Arnold and Baldwin, 1972, p. 6; Bowman, 1973, p. 116).

Abstract: Acclaimed by "Ebony" magazine as 'one of those rare publishing events that generate as much excitement in the cloistered confines of the academy as they do in the general public', "The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr." chronicles one of the twentieth century's most dynamic personalities and one of the nation's greatest social struggles. King's call for racial justice and his faith in the power of nonviolence to engender a major transformation of American society is movingly conveyed in this authoritative multivolume series. In "Volume IV", with the Montgomery bus boycott at an end, King confronts the sudden demands of celebrity while trying to identify the next steps in the burgeoning struggle for equality. Anxious to duplicate the success of the boycott, he spends much of 1957 and 1958 establishing the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. But advancing the movement in the face of dogged resistance, he finds that it is easier to inspire supporters with his potent oratory than to organize a mass movement for social change. Yet King remains committed: 'The vast possibilities of a nonviolent, non-cooperative approach to the solution of the race problem are still challenging indeed. I would like to remain a part of the unfolding development of this approach for a few more years'. King's budding international prestige is affirmed in March 1957, when he attends the independence ceremonies in Ghana, West Africa. Two months later his first national address, at the 'Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom', is widely praised, and in June 1958, King's increasing prominence is recognized with a long-overdue White House meeting. During this period King also cultivates alliances with the labor and pacifist movements, and international anticolonial organizations. As "Volume IV" closes, King is enjoying the acclaim that has greeted his first book, Stride Toward Freedom, only to suffer a near-fatal stabbing in New York City.

Abstract: Previous studies of the 1905 anti-American boycott have considered the protest to be an anti-foreign movement or a nationalism-inspired political movement. They have failed to take account of its social aspects. Unlike the history of protest movements in later years, no existing account has systematically analyzed the propaganda techniques and mobilization strategies of the boycott. I intend to explore this neglected aspect of the boycott campaign in this article. In fact, throughout the struggle, different groups of boycotters used different varieties of language when speaking to different audiences, and sometimes the same boycotters employed different varieties of language in different situations. When boycott promoters, mostly from the cultural and commercial elite, spoke to one another, they used newspapers and other written publications as the means of dialogue. When they spoke to the illiterate they used pictorial illustrations, songs, street-corner lectures, theatrical performances, and material object exhibitions. When they spoke to a semiliterate audience they employed devices with few written characters, such as hand

Abstract: America transportation policies, at least in the figurative sense, still relegate people of color to the back of the bus. For more than a century, people of color have struggled to end transportation discrimination in the form of unequal treatment on buses and trains. This form of apartheid, which clearly violates constitutionally guaranteed civil rights, was decreed in 1896 by Plessy v. Ferguson, a U.S. Supreme Court decision that upheld Louisiana's segregated "white" and "colored" seating on railroad cars. This decision ushered in the infamous doctrine of separate but equal." Plessy not only decreed apartheid in transportation facilities but also served as the legal basis for racial segregation in education until the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision overturned it in 1954. The modern civil rights movement has its roots in transportation. [1] In 1953, over half a century after Plessy vs. Ferguson relegated blacks to the back of the bus, African Americans in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, staged the nation's first successful bus boycott. Two years later, on December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat at the front of a Montgomery, Alabama, city bus to a white man. In so doing, Parks ignited the modern civil rights movement. By the early 1960s, young "freedom riders" risked death by riding Greyhound buses into the deep South. This was their way of fighting transportation apartheid and segregation in interstate travel. Today, despite those heroic efforts, transportation remains a civil-rights and quality-of-life issue. All communities are still not created equal. Indeed, some communities accrue benefits from transportation development projects, while others bear a disproportionate burden in paying the costs. Generally, benefits are more widely dispersed among the many travelers who use new roads, while costs or burdens are more localized. Having a seven-lane freeway next door, for instance, is not a benefit to someone who does not own a car. Lest anyone dismiss transportation as a tangential racial issue, consider that Americans spend more on transportation than any other household expense except housing. The average American household spends a fifth of its income--or about $6,000 a year--for each car it owns and operates. Americans also spend more than 2 billion hours a year in their cars. According to the latest figures published in the Federal Highway Administration's Highway Statistics, total vehicle miles traveled in the United States increased by 59 percent from 1980 to 1995. [2] Federal tax dollars subsidized many of the roads, freeways, and public transit systems in our nation. Many of these transportation projects had the unintended consequences of dividing, isolating, and disrupting some communities while imposing inequitable economic, environmental, and health burdens on them. Clinton Weighs in On February 11, 1994, President Clinton signed Executive Order 12898, "Federal Actions to Address Environmental Justice in Minority Populations and Low-Income Populations." This executive order reinforces what has been law for three decades. Indeed, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discriminatory practices in programs receiving federal funds. Environmental requirements also reinforce a number of regulatory laws and statutes, including Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA), and the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1970. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act states, No person in the United States shall, on the grounds of race, color, or national origin, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or subjected to discrimination under any program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance. [3] The 1994 executive order also focuses on NEPA, a law that established policy goals for the protection, maintenance, and enhancement of the environment. …

Abstract: Munich High attendance at a physics meeting in Vienna - as well as the continued preparedness of foreign scientists to referee Austria research proposals - suggest that fears of a boycott of Austria by the international scientific community have not materialized

Abstract: A “shipping war” has broken out between two friendly neighbouring countries: Estonia (a rather poor land; liberated of Soviet occupation in 1991), and Finland (a wealthy one; independent since 1918). Led by their trade union the Finnish dockers boycott Estonian ships demanding for Estonian sailors the salary in the same range as that is in wealthy West- European countries. Estonian Sailors’ Union finds that such a war is not for their better work-conditions but against their working possibilities: the cheap labour force is the only possibility for a poor country to entice foreign investments in it.

Abstract: Between 1994 and 1999 South Africa has been officially labelled a society in transition. Constitution, legal framework, public institutions and political structures were changed fundamentally. The new political dispensation was introduced from the top. At the bottom of society it is confronted with a political culture that has been shaped by the experiences of 300 years of colonialism, 50 years of Apartheid and the struggles against them. Thus today a rapid democratisation of the legal and administrative framework meets a political culture that has been formed by an undemocratic society. How does this confrontation shape the work of the new democratic institutions? This paper gives some aspects of an answer to this question. It is based on an empirical study of the transformation process in Umtata, former capital of the Transkei "homeland", conducted between January 1997 and July 1999. Mass action and a culture of boycott continue to be the main means of political expression in the public. Political culture in Umtata is a lot more confrontational than co-operative. This paper looks into four key areas of the transition process: the problems of getting people to pay their rates and user fees, the pressing land invasion, the failure of all attempts to regulate the local taxi industry and the expectations of people in regard to the future of their town.

Abstract: Introduction Setting the Stage Anglo-American Tension before the Expropriation: November 1936-March 1938 Washington's Reaction to the Expropriation: March 1938-November 1938 The Reaction of Whitehall and the Oil Companies: March 1938-November 1938 The Boycott: March 1938-September 1939 U.S. and Oil Company Policy after the Agrarian Settlement: November 1938-May 1940 The American Settlement: May 1940-October 1943 Britain and the American Settlement: May 1940-June 1943 Conclusion Dramatis Personae Bibliography

Abstract: The executive committee of the American Chemical Society's Division of Polymer Chemistry has relocated the division's fluoropolymer workshop from Charleston, S.C.—where it was scheduled to be held ...

Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION "Sanctions," a foreign policy tool of the federal government, have recently been adopted by state and local governments. These sub-national units are increasingly placing restrictions on government procurement and investment in order to punish companies for doing business in nations that have poor human rights records. Most recently, state and local governments have implemented, or have threatened to implement, restrictions against businesses operating in Myanmar (formerly Burma), China, Cuba, Indonesia, Switzerland,(1) and Nigeria.(2) "Sanctions" implemented by sub-national units differ significantly from the type of sanctions used by the federal government.(3) When the federal government implements a sanctions regime against another country, it usually takes the form of a direct boycott or trade and investment controls.(4) An example of this type of regime is the U.S. boycott against Cuba. State and local governments, on the other hand, are not permitted to take direct action against foreign nations.(5) Rather, "sanctions" by sub-national units usually involve procurement and investment restrictions. Procurement restrictions are laws that prevent the government from purchasing products or services from companies that conduct business in nations that espouse disagreeable policies.(6) Massachusetts recently imposed this type of restriction. The Massachusetts law prohibits any arm of the state government from purchasing goods and services from companies or persons identified as having engaged in business in Burma.(7) Similarly, investment restrictions prevent government investment funds, such as employee pension funds, from providing capital to companies that conduct business in nations with poor human rights records.(8) This latter "sanction" was frequently used during the 1980s against businesses having ties in South Africa.(9) "Sanctions" presently in force in states and municipalities across the nation were not created on a tabula rasa. Rather, they were modeled, in part, after the sub-national restrictions implemented against companies doing business in South Africa.(10) Most of these anti-apartheid laws required divestment of state or local funds that were invested in firms engaging in business in South Africa.(11) These restrictions were a way for constituents to vent their moral outrage(12) at that nation's apartheid government and the companies doing business there. These sanctions were also a policy tool that local governments hoped would alter South Africa's policy by fait accompli--a company had to end its business ties in South Africa, or lose its business from state and local governments. Sub-national units hoped that a mass exodus of business from South Africa would cause the apartheid regime to eradicate its racial policies. Despite the assertive role exercised by sub-national units, the federal government did not attempt to preempt the "sanctions" when it passed the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986.(13) In fact, the House of Representatives attached a resolution proclaiming that the law was not intended to preempt state and local government restrictions.(14) Therefore, the actions taken by sub-national units had the tacit approval of the federal government and, in a subtle way, such sub-national "sanctions" became the latter's policy tool. The impact of the South Africa "sanctions" on foreign affairs federalism was overshadowed by events following the end of the Cold War. When the Berlin Wall fell at the end of the 1980s, the prevalence of "sanctions" and other local activities(15) affecting foreign affairs rapidly increased. There are several explanations for this increase. First, the bipolar balance of power paradigm, whereby both the United States and the Soviet Union threatened each other's existence, ended. Consequently, there no longer was a national imperative for the federal government to have exclusive control over all aspects of governance that might affect foreign affairs. …

Abstract: The American Philosophical Association recently held one of its annual divisional meetings in a hotel in San Francisco whose workers had voted for a strike, were on strike call, and had called for a public boycott of the hotel. Both the APA Board of Officers and the Executive Committee (EC) of the Pacific Division failed to inform APA members and conference participants about the hotel situation in the months before the meeting, when they had this information. At the last minute, when several dissident APA members succeeded in getting information out to APA members around the country, many program participants were faced with crossing a boycott and possibly a picket line (hotel workers did picket the hotel on the first day of the meetings) to attend their sessions and fulfill other professional obligations. Some conference participants switched their room reservations to unionized hotels not on the union's boycott or strike list, and some managed to move their sessions to other venues, with the assistance of Pacific SWIP and the University of San Francisco Philosophy Department. Some philosophers simply boycotted the meetings and San Francisco. One philosopher who canceled his trip to San Francisco on hearing about the boycott told me that his grandmother would rise from her grave and strike him dead if he were to enter the conference hotel. His grandmother happened to be one of the founders of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. At the alternative meeting sites in San Francisco, some philosophers shared stories of their pre-academic careers as waitresses, bartenders, cashiers, and, yes, hotel workers. Some recalled parents' and grandparents' union activism. But unfortunately, the large majority of philosophers I encountered were naive and ignorant about worker struggles and management efforts to undermine and break strikes. Indeed, our own professional organization seemed to be collaborating with management by suppressing information about the boycott that union members were trying to get to philosophers, by supplying APA members with misinformation about the labor dispute, and by discouraging APA members behind the scenes from moving their sessions and meetings. In the week before the meetings, officers of the Pacific Division told anxious APA members they could honor the boycott by not spending money at the hotel, even though union representatives had told these officers, months before the meetings, that this

Abstract: This issue of Visual Neuroscience contains the last scientific contribution of Brian B. Boycott. In December 1999, Brian was just recovering from a serious operation in London, when I sent him an early draft of the paper. He returned the manuscript with many excellent suggestions for improvements and in the accompanying letter he wrote, “I think you are generous to include my name. I won't argue because when it comes out in 2000 it will be the 50th anniversary of my first published paper. This appeals to me.” Unfortunately Brian did not live to see the publication of this paper and passed away on April 22, 2000.

Abstract: Summary: Germany is the EU member state with the most difficult situation (besides Austria) for marketing genetically modified (GM) crops and food. At the same time, it shows the least administrative effort to respond to the reasons for this situation - public suspicion and protest. Regulators advocate specific precaution-related measures, including market-stage monitoring; these measures, however, do not relate to the primary demands of critics and opponents. The administration's claim to prioritize scientific evidence over politics constructs the administration and the public as two separate worlds without real mediation. This conflicts with the ever-growing demands for public participation. Participation in a broader sense, however, is not dependent on formal opportunities. In this conflict, NGOs bring up issues of democracy, transparency and precaution through public mobilization. This strategy results in an anticipated consumer boycott and thereby a commercial blockage of GM products. These dynamics can be analysed as "reflexive modernization", which implies greater public aversion to externally imposed risks. The politicoadministrative system responds with a legalistic-scientistic approach in order to increase safety but without participatory measures to overcome predictive uncertainty and value conflicts. Environmental and consumer protest has led the technology providers to revise their political strategies in the biotechnology conflict. Thus, in Germany reflexive modernization takes place without reflexive politics.

Abstract: Abstract The Korean War broke out on 25 June 1950. It was around the same time that the results of the Dodge Line of deflationary policies began to produce serious adverse effects on the Japanese economy. On 27 June, the UN Security Council, acting during a Soviet boycott, passed a US resolution calling for action by UN member nations to aid South Korea. On 30 June, US ground forces were ordered to Korea, and on 8 July General MacArthur was appointed to assume the unified UN command. MacArthur ordered the UN forces, comprised of troops from sixteen UN member nations, to counter-attack North Korean forces.

Abstract: Introduction 1. Revisiting the pre-emigration Old World Part I. The Rise of Chinese San Francisco: 2. The 'first city' locating Chinese San Francisco 3. The social landscape of Chinese San Francisco 4. 'China in America': the world of ah Quin 5. Collective identity Part II. The Arrival of a True Trans-Pacific Community: 6. A time of anger and a time of hope: the 1905 boycott 7. A changing mentality, 1906 to 1913 8. The Americanness of the Trans-Pacific community between the wars 9. Persistence of Trans-Pacific ties 10. The road to 1943 Conclusion.

Abstract: The Boycott Movement was initiated in June 1959 by exiled South African supporters of the Congress Movement with the aim of internationalizing the boycott campaign which the African and Indian Congresses had launched in South Africa. In South Africa the 1959 boycott campaign came at the end of a decade of intensifying repression which had closed off almost all peaceful means of protest against apartheid. In Britain, the late 1950s was a period of disillusion with mainstream politics. A network of organizations and individuals campaigned on three interlinked issues- peace and nuclear disarmament, racism and freedom for Britain's colonies, particularly in Africa. Working with organizations like the Movement for Colonial Freedom, Committee of African Organizations, Christian Action, the Africa Bureau and the Communist Party, a group of committed Congress Movement supporters joined by Patrick van Rensburg of the South African Liberal Party, worked within this network to launch a campaign for the boycott of So...