Abstract: Studies of nurses and other health professionals indicate that autonomy is an important determinant of job satisfaction and turnover. This study analyzed selected characteristics of hospital nursing units to identify those features of the work setting that influence staff nurses' perceptions of autonomy: comparisons among nurses who work in different clinical areas were made. Data were collected by interviewing 789 nonsupervisory registered nurses who were employed full time at one large university-affiliated hospital. Personal and job-related information was obtained for each nurse. Structural features of units, such as workload, were gathered from head nurse reports and hospital records. Findings indicated that nurses' perceptions of autonomy are influenced by both personal characteristics of the nurse and structural features of the units. The nurse's sense of personal efficacy and the relationship she has with her head nurse are two important determinants of autonomy across all units. Workload, primary nursing, and staffing patterns are influential factors in predicting autonomy for nurses who work in critical care areas. Implications of these findings for nursing administrators are discussed.

Abstract: KIE: A fixed age of competence at 18 or 21 has been made obsolete by court decisions and new biomedical technologies such as safer abortion procedures. Gaylin discusses the concept of "variable" competence in the context of minors and decision making in medical care or clinical trials, where a child's autonomy is dependent on the amount of risk or gain involved, social benefits and costs, and the nature of the decision itself.

Abstract: Rex A. Wright and Sharon S. BrehmUniversity of KansasRecent attempts to reinterpret reactance theory in terms of impression man-agement are considered in light of available empirical evidence. Contrary to whatan impression management view would predict, reactance effects have been ob-served (a) where there was only a tenuous "glimpse" of a social agent, (b) wherefreedom threat or elimination occurred by chance or was not intentional, (c)where subjects' responses were not observable by either the influencing agent ora relevant observer (someone who has witnessed the threat), and (d) wheresubjects' responses could not be individually identified. Also inconsistent withthe impression management formulation of reactance is evidence that neither aninfluencing agent nor a relevant observer must be present for freedom restorationby a third party to be effective. It is concluded that although self-presentationmight account for some reactance effects, the theory as a whole cannot be sub-sumed.Reactance theory (Brehm, 1966; Brehm& Brehm, 1981, Wicklund, 1974) was for-mulated to explain individuals' reactions tosituations in which perceived behavioralfreedoms are eliminated or threatened withelimination. It is theorized that in such sit-uations motivation is aroused to restore and/or confirm those freedoms in question, re-sulting in enhanced attraction to and in-creased tendency to perform relevant be-haviors.Recently, a serious and provocative chal-lenge has been posed in regard to the mech-anism involved in reactance effects. Thoughthe exact form of the argument varies, thequestion raised is whether individuals aremotivated to preserve freedoms per se as re-actance theory postulates or, instead, onlyto project an image of autonomy to others(Baer, Hinkle, Smith, & Fenton, 1980; Heil-man & Toffler, 1976; Schlenker, 1980). Inthis article we would like to evaluate thisreinterpretation of reactance theory asimpression management in light of availableempirical evidence.The impression management view is statedin its clearest form by Heilman and Toffler(1976). These writers propose that negative

Abstract: tionalism) with Marxism. He concludes that social change is best understood by a multiple causal model involving the economy, polity, law, and culture. Lane seems strongest in sociological theory. He offers interesting comparisons between Lenin and Weber on bureaucracy, and Rousseau on the embodiment of the general will. On several occasions, however, Lane's methodology falters, for he sometimes conveys the impression that he is citing an author when in fact he is quoting an editor (p. 44). Those familiar with Lane's previous works will find Leninism a disappointment. It attempts too much, offers too little detail, and at times is too one-sided. Lenin's advice seems appropriate: "Better Fewer, but Better."

Abstract: At the very beginning of modern moral philosophy which for reasons that will become clear, I date in the 1780s the moral agent as traditionally understood almost, if not quite, disappeared from view. The moral agent's character, the structure of his desires and dispositions, became at best a peripheral rather than a central topic for moral philosophy, thus losing the place assigned to it by the vast majority of moral philosophers from Plato to Hume. And with this displacement the history of moral philosophy was divorced to a large and quite new extent from the philosophy of mind and action. The implications for the philosophy of mind are not inconsiderable, for it is in part at least because of this divorce, and not only because of Cartesian influences upon epistemology, that that part of philosophy became merely the philosophy of mind rather than the philosophy of mind-and-action. But the alterations in the preoccupations of moral philosophy itself were even more drastic. What replaced and still too often replaces the concept of moral character at the core of philosophical thinking about morality was and is a conception of choice of a particular kind as central to moral agency. Originally in the writings of Reid and Kant this choice was conceived of as that which individuals make between the promptings of desire and the requirements of morality; much later in the writings of Sartre it has become the individual's choice of those principles obedience to whose prescriptions constitutes morality. In both earlier and later writers it is common to find this notion of choice closely connected with the praise of individual autonomy as a defining property of morality. A. N. Prior summarised Reid's view of the matter accurately: "In

Abstract: Seizure disorders affect both the individual's and the family's sense of control (autonomy) as well as affecting the individual's consolidation of a sense of mastery in the environment (competence). Seizures may distort negotiations in the family by affecting the parent's and child's transactions over issues related to the child's autonomy and competence. This alteration of the familial process creates a skewed context for the epileptic's development. Sensitive family treatment may often be necessary to restore comfortable parental management and help the individual and the family deal more adequately with his/her life and specific disability.

Abstract: In response to the Camp David Framework for Peace in the Middle East, which specified that transitional arrangements for the West Bank and Gaza be based on full autonomy for the inhabitants, the Faculty of Law of Tel Aviv University brought together a group of experts--lawyers, historians, and political scientists--in the hopes of contributing to the success of the negotiations. More than one dozen papers identify and analyze models of autonomy, past and present. Introductory essays on the theoretical concept of autonomy supplement a survey of various autonomous arrangements in Europe, America, and Africa. This is followed by a systematic comparative analysis of autonomy in international law. Different aspects of negotiations between Egypt and Israel concerning autonomy for the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza are considered, and several tentative conclusions are drawn from the lessons of models of autonomy throughout history.

Abstract: To broach the subject of authority and medicine is for many an invitation to launch an attack against what they consider the paternalism and arrogance endemic to current medical practice. Patients are encouraged to reclaim their autonomy against the usurped authority of doctors and other health professionals. Though some of these claims may be valid, it is not the purpose of this paper to provide yet another variation on that theme. Instead, a constructive account of authority and medicine will be presented in such a way as to demonstrate why finding a balance between autonomy and paternalism is an inadequate moral goal. I trust the reader will realize that such a balance reveals a misunderstanding of the concept of authority with regard to medicine as a moral practice.

Abstract: As part of an ongoing investigation of the possibilities adolescents have for exercising choice, groups of high school boys and girls in small towns in India, the United States, and Australia respo...

Abstract: Care of the aged necessitates a functional diagnosis, with which physicians have little familiarity. The author reviews the principles of autonomy and dependence, applying them to the health care context. He proposes a method of sifting the necessary factors in measuring functional autonomy in elderly people.

Abstract: This critical analysis of the literature in the sociology of education has shown that investigators who emphasize the dependence of the school on other structures in society or on their elites tend to have a much more global conception of power than do investigators who treat the school as autonomous. The deficiencies in the conception of power of these two groups, although different, have led both to serious problems in their analyses and conclusions. The first group lumps together power to command, power to constrain, and power to profit from. It fails to distinguish between these fundamentally different capacities which are included under its broad, imprecise, and usually undefined rubric “power”. Although it has been able to show the functions the school serves for sustaining the wider society or its dominant groups and show the correspondences between school structures and other social structures in society, it has not much advanced our understanding of the causal processes which have resulted in those functions and correspondences. This has at times led members of this group to a quasi-mechanistic conception of the subordination of the school to other social structures. It has at other times led to a sliding between meanings of the concept “power” which has promoted undemonstrated implications of a successful ongoing conspiracy by economic elites to command that a particular content and process of education be imposed on schools. Both of these consequences obscure the important role of the formal autonomy of the school system in legitimating inequalities in advanced capitalist societies. If the paradox of the school being autonomous and yet serving the interests of society's dominant groups is to be understood, and if the autonomy of the school is to be seen as something more meaningful than that of a service station delegated power by a large company, then it is necessary to distinguish clearly the power of society's dominant groups to command the school from their power to exert constraints on the school through their other (e.g., economic) activities and it is necessary to distinguish both of these capacities from the power of such groups to profit from the consequences of a school system which is autonomous in a sociologically significant sense. Investigators who treat the school as more orless autonomous, on the contrary, conceive of power as if it referred mainly to what I have called power to command. They tend to ignore power to constrain and power to profit from as essential dimensions of power when carrying out their analyses. Because they observe that the school and its members are rarely obliged to obey commands coming from other structures or their elites, for example from the economic elite, these investigators conclude that the wider society has relatively little power over the school or they carry out their studies as if this were the case, by largely restricting their analyses to ad hoc practices within the school. Their narrow conception of power has led them to ignore relationships between the school and other structures which should properly be seen as power relationships and which must be included in the analysis in order to understand what occurs in the classroom. Curiously, then, both the global, unrefined and the narrow conception of power have led to much the same result, of failing to direct attention to the causal processes involved in the relationship between the school and the wider society. The first conception has tended to assume that the description of the structural correspondences between the school and the wider society and the description of the functions the school serves for sustaining the wider society demonstrate the power over the school of the wider society whose needs are met. The specification of the causal processes which have brought about the correspondences and functions is reduced to the rank of a detail of secondary importance. The second or narrow conception of power has promoted the description of everyday, face-to-face, ad hoc, classroom interaction and its taken-for-granted assumptions, which in turn has similarly resulted in a failure to analyze the power relations and causal processes by which the wider society constrains and profits from classroom interaction and leads its assumptions to be taken for granted. The distinctions between the three different types of power have been proposed here in order to direct research towards specifying and investigating the causal processes involved in the power relationship between the school and the wider society. Two causal processes particularly important for understanding that relationship have to be differentiated. The power of the bourgeoisie to impose arbitrarily its bourgeois culture on the school, seen as so important by Marxists, For example, Baudelot and Establet. must be analytically distinguished from the power of the bourgeoisie to acquire the scholastic culture of the school and profit from it in order to reproduce and legitimate social classes. Scholastic culture in the latter sense does not have to be assumed universal and absolute. It may in large part be the arbitrary imposition of the educational and intellectual elites. The bourgeoisie will have little need to adapt the school to itself if it has the power to adapt itself to the school. The latter enables the school to remain autonomous and appear fair to all, which is the key to the successful legitimation of the process of social class reproduction by the school. Distinguishing the different capacities underlying power makes it possible to understand how the school can be autonomous and yet at the same time contribute to the reproduction and legitimation of the existing social class structure of society. Although the autonomy of the school is mutually exclusive with the power of society's dominant groups to command the school, it is not mutually exclusive with their power to profit from the school or to constrain it in the course of their other activities, e.g., their economic activities. External constraints on the school may make certain alternatives appear less sanguine than others to educators, students, and parents, and thereby influence their choices and subsequent actions, without denying them the possibility of choosing and taking independent initiative, and without obliging them to obey commands from external sources. The process involved will be incorrectly analyzed if the constraints are seen to determine in a mechanistic or authoritarian fashion the functioning of schools or if the external constraints are ignored. The autonomy of the school is of course only formal, in the sense that the school is not formally obliged to obey the commands of society's dominant groups, such as the economic elite. This does not mean that its autonomy is unreal - indeed, its reality is crucially important in legitimating inequalities. The school is, however, far from being fully autonomous because it is informally and indirectly subject to constraints which result from the actions of society's dominant groups and because the school does not have the power to control the use that will be made of the consequences of schooling. In a capitalist society it is especially owners of large enterprises in the market-place who have the power to constrain and to profit from the school. The content, structure, and processes of the school are subject to the constraints resulting from the development of an advanced capitalist economy. It is precisely the fact that power to constrain and power to profit from are less visible forms of power than power to command that leads dominated groups to misrecognize the power relations involved between the school system and the wider society, and this makes the formal autonomy of the school system an effective mechanism for legitimating and transmitting inequalities in capitalist society. Thus the key element for understanding the contribution of the school system to the transmission and legitimation of inequalities in advanced capitalist societies is its formal autonomy, according to which society's dominant groups have the power to constrain the school in the course of their activities, especially economic activities, and the power to profit from it without having to resort to the power to command the content, structure, processes, or form of schooling. Although authoritarian power to command may characterize the relationship between the school system and the political system in existing societies which call themselves socialist, I would suggest that it is power to constrain and power to profit from which characterize the relationship between the school system and the economic system in capitalist societies. The three-fold distinction presented here among the types of power is essential for understanding the relationship between the school system and the economic system in capitalist society. I have limited my discussion to the school here. I would suggest, nevertheless, that these distinctions among the types of power could lead to a constructive critique of theories of the “relative autonomy” of other apparata of the state in capitalist society and to directing research towards the more precise specification of the meaning of the concept “relative autonomy” in the case of each state apparatus.

Abstract: Sometimes clinical research is more like detective work than pure science. There are scattered and misleading clues, some clear facts, and contradictions to be sifted through before strong claims can be made. Because the facts available are typically lacking, working theories must be constructed to clarify old information, to generate new hypotheses, and to guide further investigation. Less like the tough minded Sherlock Holmes, the investigator fumbles along like the dauntless Lieutenant Columbo. The clinical case having to do with the possible relationships between children's phonological and language disorders is one for which super-sleuthing is required. The facts are shaky and maddeningly complex. In his influential book on articulation disorders, Winitz (1969) reviewed existing research on the topic dating back to 1931. All of the investigators whose papers were examined in one way or another sought to determine whether phonological deficits were associated or correlated with aspects of language development and general intellectual fuctioning. Findings were equivocal: "For some of the studies a substantial relation between articulation and certain language measures especially at the young age levels was demonstrated, and for other studies no relation or only a low relation was found." Although some progress has been made since the Winitz review, our current understandings are hardly more advanced. In this article I present my own sleuthing on the topic. Basing my views on the selective rather than exhaustive use of published and unpublished material, my purpose is to clarify existing information and to suggest some novel hypotheses worthy of further testing. In the process, a case is made against viewing children's phonological disorders as autonomous from language disorders. Evidence is adduced to suggest that they do not constitute separate clinical entities as historically assumed. Phonological disorders and language disorders stem from the same underlying causes. The paper centers around two key points. The first is that researchers have conducted very narrowly defined studies over the last 20 years, and this orientation has obscured the general nature of phonological disorders. Greene (1964), noting the diagnostic confusion arising from "incompleteness of diagnostic investigations," adds, "In children who are speaking but very imperfectly they [speech pathologists] often diagnose articulatory disorders instead of the underlying language disorders." Accordingly, in this presentation, papers offering a broader view of phonological and language disorders are examined. Excluded from consideration are studies dealing solely with aspects of phonological behavior.

Abstract: Although teacher militancy has become increasingly prevalent in the United States, little attention has been focused on teachers' political activities, especially their participation in strikes. We studied a school district which experienced a brief but intense teacher strike in 1979 to find out who strikes and how strikers and nonstrikers differ on issues thought to be related to a strike's occurrence. Unlike previous researchers, we used a theoretical perspective which characterizes teachers and those who supervise them as being fundamentally in conflict. Our findings show that strikers are more professionally oriented than non-strikers. Strikers desire more authority, autonomy and control in the workplace.

Abstract: The education of teachers generates some of the hardiest perennials in the repertoire of educational debates. While tremendous human and financial resources are expended in attempting to prepare intending teachers for their jobs, enthusiasts for numerous approaches to teacher training cohabit uneasily with those who suspect that virtually all attempts to teach people how to teach are doomed to fail. At stake ultimately in this debate is the status of the knowledge of teaching: what knowledge must teachers possess in order to teach successfully? Does such knowledge exist at present? And, if so, can it be taught to intending teachers so as to influence positively their performance of their jobs? Related to the question of teaching knowledge is a host of other wordworn though durable issues, including the definitions of teacher autonomy and professionalism and the problem of teacher accountability. It is a commonplace to assert that teaching is a practical field, and every student of teaching is aware of the ways in which this assertion can be used to deflect "theoretical" critiques of teacher training from hitting their mark. Despite the regularity with which appeal to the practicality of teaching is made, however, we lack an analysis of "practice" which relates this concept adequately to the systematic knowledge bases upon which intelligent performance in any established field must be founded.

Abstract: The principal questions to be tackled by philosophers interested in the elucidation of the idea of Special Education are held to reside in the problems of definition, epistemology, ethics and metaphysics. Some of its definitions are vague or arbitrary and encapsulate unquestioned assumptions, that turn out to be controversial or question‐begging. Examination of the cognitive character of Special Education leads to the conclusion that it constitutes a practical field of knowledge and enquiry, drawing on the insights afforded it by a range of disciplines apt for the solution of its problems, among which the most important are interpersonal understanding and moral beliefs. The moral problems of Special Education are shown to be of two kinds—both the normative and the meta‐ethical. The Categorical Imperative of Kant is proposed as one criterion on the basis of which Special Educators ground their efforts to maximise that autonomy which individuals need to cope with the world. This conclusion is entai...

Abstract: Adolescents increasingly come to physicians' offices for contraceptive care. This raises the issue of parental involvement, often formulated in terms of conflict around the issues of consent and confidentiality. In the past two decades, a new philosophy has emerged that deals with the issues from a perspective of the "civil rights" of adolescents. This concept, referred to as the "mature minor doctrine," allows for parents or the state to represent the minors' interest only as long as the adolescent is not able to do so. The ethical justification for this position is based on the principles of autonomy and beneficence. The legal implications are being developed in state laws which recognize that teenagers should have access to confidential medical care in order to facilitate contraceptive knowledge and prevention of pregnancy.

Abstract: A necessary condition for ethical research on humans is the consent of the subjects. Without consent, the subjects are used by the researcher for the good of others, and though risks to the subjects may be slight and believed to be offset by the possible benefits to others, the subjects’ right to autonomy or self-determination is violated. If the subjects are competent and their informed consent is obtained, the benefits of research can be realized without compromising the subjects’ right to autonomy. When the subjects in research are not competent, or are partially and intermittently competent, as is likely in research on Alzheimer’s disease, protecting their right to autonomy becomes problematic.

Abstract: This study examines Samoan opposition to New Zealand's rule in Western Samoa over the period 1920-1936. During the first five years of this period, opposition was expressed mainly through the imposition of boycotts on stores and bans on copra-cutting as well as petitions to the British government New Zealand's authority to administer Samoa came through Britain to remove New Zealand and to let the Samoans run their own country. In late 1926 however, a group of Samoans, in combination with local residents, launched a public campaign demanding changes to government policies and practices which had been introduced to speed up the development of the country in all spheres political, social, economic and which they argued would in fact damage Samoan society. When government rejected these demands, the Samoan group, attracting a great deal of support from Samoans, quickly took control of the opposition movement now called the Mau and soon after, made Samoan self-government its principal objective. Between 1926 and 1936, the majority of the Samoans in the villages supported this call for self-government and demonstrated it by totally ignoring government authority and conducting their affairs their own way. During this ten year period, the Mau and its supporters virtually controlled Samoan affairs while government was reduced to making ill-judged and therefore futile attempts to bring about a settlement. It was not until the election of the first New Zealand Labour government in 1935 that an end to the confrontation was effected. A central theme which runs through the thesis is that although Samoans were affected by government measures which brought immediate anger and frustration, the fundamental motivation behind their opposition was