Abstract: eleventh-century Cambridge manuscripts, Corpus Christi College 198 (olim S. 8)1 and University Library Ii. 4. 6,* both of which contain that one of JEKucs three Easter Homilies which begins : 'Men J?a leofostan gelome eow is gesaed...',3 give us information about its preparation for the press by Archbishop Matthew Parker and his assistants. From the appropriate catalogues of manuscripts4 this is not apparent. Ker5 and James, in his unprinted draft catalogue6 of the Western Manuscripts in the University Library, mention that there is a printed sheet bound into Ii. 4. 6 between folios 156 and 157, but they do not note that the four pages of this sheet differ from the corresponding pages of the two editions listed in the S.T.C, as:

Abstract: day during the 1 180s Cecilia Siguroardottir left Varmland and her husband, Folkvior, whom she did not love, and joined her brother King Sverrir in Norway. After a while, a leading Norwegian, Baror Guthormsson, asked for her in marriage. Although Cecilia knew and liked him and the king sanctioned the match, Archbishop Eysteinn refused to give his approval as long as her first husband was still alive. l Meeting with the archbishop in the presence of her brother and other leading chieftains, Cecilia asked the prelate whether he really meant to prevent her from marrying with the approval of her kinsmen, but adamant in his opposition, he ordered her to return to her husband. She then declared that she had no husband, because she had been given to Folkvior like an unwilling concubine, but had not known what to do about it until her brother arrived in the country. When that story was confirmed by witnesses, the archbishop was obliged to give his permission to the marriage. Ingi, fruit of that union, later became king of Norway. 2 This scene presents the usual dramatis personae in the arrangement of a non-Christian marriage: the young couple, with the man acting on his own behalf and a member of the woman's family, in this case her brother, representing her. This time a new agent, the archbishop, is on stage. The story shows the intermingling of two patterns of marriage, one whereby a woman was married with the approval of her family and the other, promulgated by the churchman, in which the woman's consent was essential, and the absence of which provided a satisfactory reason for divorce and remarriage. That event, recorded half a century later, took place when the Christian idea of mutual consent, and especially of female consent, became known in Norway and Iceland, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that Cecilia's bold action was a conscious effort to benefit

Abstract: Spotting trends in family law may be as perilous and uncertain as weather forecasting or predicting the outcome of the next presi dential election. In 1978 prognostication is especially difficult because of the many straws in the wind. It is, therefore, with humility and an acknowledgment of our limitations, together with an emphasis on the variables, that we undertake this overview of family law and gaze into the future At the outset it should be noted that the contemporary policy commitment to breakdown of marriage as the proper basis for divorce celebrates its 10th birthday as the American Bar Associa tion celebrates its 100th anniversary. The seminal reports of the Archbishop of Canterbury's Group and the Governor's Commission of California were issued in 1968. Although the concept of marital breakdown as the appropriate basis for divorce has ancient roots, going back to Anglo-Saxon custom or dooms, and Archbishop Cranmer's report of the sixteenth century, organized religion and

Abstract: The first decade of the 21st century proved remarkably fertile in yielding up manuscripts relevant to the earliest direct contacts between Latin Europe and the Mongol empire – namely, those framed by the devastation of Rus´ (1237-40), Poland, Moravia and Hungary (1241-2) by the Mongols (or ‘Tartars’) and the subsequent despatch to the Mongol world of three parties of friars (1245-7) as envoys of Pope Innocent IV. These texts include:- (1) an early manuscript of the Epistula de vita secta et origine Tartarorum of the Hungarian Dominican Julian, who travelled to the Ural region in 1236–7 in search of the Hungarians’ pagan kinsmen in what was known as ‘Greater Hungary’, and returned with news of the imminent Mongol assault on Rus´; (2) two hitherto unknown letters from the Nestorian monk Simeon Rabban-ata to the Emperor Frederick II and King Louis IX of France, brought back from Azerbaijan in 1247 by one of Innocent IV's envoys, the Dominican Andre de Longjumeau; and (3) a second copy of the so-called ‘Tartar Relation’, an account produced in Poland in mid July 1247 by a Franciscan friar calling himself ‘C. de Bridia’ and closely linked with the most celebrated of the papal embassies to the Mongols, which was led by the Franciscan John of Plano Carpini and travelled across the Eurasian steppes as far as the court of the Qaghan Guyuk in Mongolia.

Abstract: The chapter was part of the new provisions introduced by King Magnus Erlingsson and Archbishop Eysteinn in 1164.2 Two recent studies on homosexuality and medieval society discuss that section and interpret it in two different ways.3 Because the regulation occurs in the oldest Norwegian law, Gisela Bleibtreu-Ehrenberg sees it as a reflection of an ancient Germanic tradition of severe punishment for homosexual behavior. She finds the earliest expression of that tradition in chapter 12 of Tacitus's Germania which states that "ignauos et imbelles et corpore infames caeno ac palude iniecta insuper et crate mergunt," corpore infames allegedly referring to persons guilty of homosexual acts.4 John Boswell identifies chapter 32 of the GulL as part of Church law and considers it a late thirteenth-century interpolation in keeping with the century's Continental legal practice. He bases his argumentation on the fact that this chapter is not found in the Icelandic code Gragas and thinks it more likely that "the Norwegians would have added such a provision in compiling their thirteenth-century version than that the Icelanders would have deleted it."5 Boswell overlooks the fact that the regulation was incorporated into King Sverrir's christenret,

Abstract: Pre-Ottoman and Ottoman NOEL MALCOLM, Agents of Empire: Knights, Corsairs, Jesuits and Spies in the Sixteenth-Century Mediterranean World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015), Pp. 640. $34.95 cloth.In recent years, scholarship on the Mediterranean has continuously emphasized the connections and entanglement between Christian-ruled Southern and Western Europe, on the one hand, and the Muslim-ruled territories of the Ottoman Empire, including North Africa. While this focus has a somewhat longer history in the context of Venice's maritime empire, which commercially and politically depended on good relations with the sultan, it has also begun to assert itself in recent studies of Eastern and Central Europe. Rather than focusing on the Ottomans' role as religious and ideological archenemies, an increasing number of historians have paid attention to phenomena, such as the movements of goods and people but also political and military alliances, which assigned the Ottoman Empire a central place in what Molly Greene has programmatically called a "shared world."1 While Noel Malcolm's latest masterpiece is part of this scholarly context, it also has strong roots in the history of Southeastern Europe, large parts of which were under Ottoman rule from the fourteenth until the nineteenth centuries.At its core, Agents of Empire traces the story of two interrelated families from Albania, the Brutis and the Brunis, in the second half of the sixteenth century. The individuals studied by Malcolm are so remarkable that it is puzzling that no one seems to have picked up on them before now. For example, although Gasparo Bruni, who became a Knight Hospitaller in 1567, served under Marcantonio Colonna as captain of the flagship of the papal fleet From 1570 until 1573, his participation in the Battle of Lepanto (1571) (113-14, 168-9) has gone "unmentioned in almost every one of the standard modern accounts" (xviii). Gasparo's later career in the 1570s and 80s took him to the papal enclave of Avignon where he fought the Huguenots. The knight's brother Giovanni, too, found himself enmeshed in the War of Cyprus (1570-3) and in the midst of the engagement which is still celebrated as one of Christian Europe's greatest military victories over the Ottoman Empire. Appointed to the Venetian-Albanian archbishopric of Bar in 1551, Giovanni attended the third session of the Council of Trent (1562-3), where he intervened several times in support of strengthening the rights of bishops and archbishops vis-avis their subordinates. As a loyal subject of Venice, he became involved in several attempts to spark rebellions in the Ottoman-ruled parts of Albania after the outbreak of war in 1570. In the autumn of that year he negotiated unsuccessfully for the castle's surrender with the deputy (kahya) of the sancakbeyi of Shkoder, a relative of Bruni's who had converted to Islam (132-3). When Bar fell to the Ottomans in 1571, Giovanni was taken captive by the Ottomans and, alongside his nephew Niccole, who had fought the Ottomans at Ulcinj, was put to the oars on one of the Ottoman galleys, quite possibly the kapudanpa§a Pertev Pasha's flagship. While the archbishop survived the actual battle of Lepanto, he was killed by ChristianEuropean soldiers who boarded the vessel in search of plunder (167-9). Giovanni Bruni's negotiations with the kahya of the sancakbeyi of Shkoder are not the only example of what, with reference to Natalie Rothman's conceptual work, can be considered attempts to capitalize on trans-imperial family ties.2The Brutis were related to Koca Sinan Pasha who served as Grand Vizier four times between 1580 and his death in 1596 (263-4). Bartolomeo Bruti started his career as a giovane di lingua (trainee dragoman) in the Venetian embassy in Istanbul, but his talents as an interpreter, negotiator, intelligence agent, and self-promoter saw him also working at times for the Spanish, the Holy Roman Emperor, and the voivodes of the principality of Moldavia, where he was crucial in negotiating the appointment of Iancu Sasul as the Ottoman vassal prince in 1579. …

Abstract: Anglo-Swiss networks in the seventeenth century have received little attention. The autobiography of and the correspondence addressed to Johann Heinrich Hummel (1611-1674), dean of Bern, illuminate his visit to London 1634-1636 and its long-lasting consequences. They also expand knowledge of London clergy engaged in the education of foreign students, reveal the role of godly laity (Daniel and Elizabeth Penington) as hosts and as suppliers of English devotional books to a continental audience, offer insights into individual piety and comment on the sufferings of their community under Archbishop William Laud, and an early context for the development of pietism in Switzerland.

Abstract: This to about my paper the college began, broadside by as Archbishop the of title 1571, indicates, one Parker.1 of the in an many attempt treasures to inform bequeathed myself about the broadside of 1571, one of the many treasures bequeathed to my colleg by Archbishop Parke .1 The broadside in question (not in S. T.C.), now set between sheets of glass, was extracted from Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 12, a copy of the Anglo-Saxon version of Pope Gregory f s Cura Pastoralis. The book comes from Worcester Cathedral Priory, and the broadside was presumably inserted by Archbishop Parker, or one of his assistants, since in the upper margin is an ungrammatical inscription in a contemporary hand, pretty certainly that of the Archbishop's son John: 'This irishe balade printed in Irelande who belike vse the olde saxon carecte.' The sheet measures 15Д x 11 inches and is probably printers' waste, since the same poem is printed on both sides, one of which is deplorably under-inked. It is the only known copy of the first Irish text to have been printed in Ireland, a bardic poem on the Day of Judgement, headed in Irish which may be rendered: 4 A Poem this, by Philip, son of Conn the Pockmarked, in which is shown the Awful Description of the Day of Doom, and the Manner in which Christ shall come to Judgement, and the Words he shall say thereat.' The author was Philip Bocht O hUiginn, an Observantine (Reformed Franciscan) friar who died, according to the Annals of Ulster, in 1487; his name suggests that he belonged to the well-known bardic family.2 Like the Aibidil Gaoidheilge 7 Caiticiosma , 'Gaelic Alphabet and Catechism' (S.T.C. 18793, also of 1571), the broadside was printed at the expense of John Ussher, a wealthy citizen of Dublin, and

Abstract: On the night of his election Pope Francis said that the cardinals had chosen someone from the “end of the world,” the southern end of the Americas, as if to draw attention to a different experience he might bring to the papacy. To understand Pope Francis then, it is helpful to consider the circumstances of the land and the church in which he spent his first seventy-six years. These observations are intended to supply some of that background, organized around four topic areas: Argentina itself, the Jesuits in Argentina, Francis’s twenty years as bishop and archbishop in Buenos Aires, and his pastoral vision. They draw on several of the available biographies, and more generally the experience of the Latin American Catholic Church since Vatican II.

Abstract: The first scholars interested in Anglo-Saxon had to learn it by direct contact with original sources. Work on a dictionary preceded that on a grammar, notably through the efforts of John Joscelyn, Archbishop Parker's Latin Secretary. Like Parker, Sir Henry Spelman (1563/4–1641) found that many of his sources for early English history were in Anglo-Saxon. Consequently he encouraged the study of Old English by establishing a Lectureship in Anglo-Saxon at Cambridge University and worked closely with its first (and only) holder, Abraham Wheelock. Together with Wheelock's pupil, William Retchford, and possibly drawing on some earlier work by Joscelyn (since lost), these scholars attempted to formulate the rudiments of Anglo-Saxon grammar. This pioneering work, basically a parts-of-speech grammar, survives in three versions, two of them incomplete. In this article I discuss the contents and methodology used and present for the first time an edited text of the first modern Old English grammar. It was a remarkable achievement.

Abstract: The present article surveys and analyses the myriad historical allusions in the writings of Archbishop Wulfstan in order to reconstruct a coherent historical perspective informing the composition of many of his works. Wulfstan's hortatory efforts to reform contemporary morals are predicated upon an argument about the maintenance and loss of divine favour. According to Wulfstan, the English arrived with divine favour, a series of West Saxon kings advanced God's laws and were supported by him in turn, but crimes against the Church and the martyred King Edward resulted in the withdrawal of God's favour. The narrative that emerges from Wulfstan's historical allusions extends from the migration period to the reign of AEthelred, but the amount of detailed knowledge behind this narrative appears rather limited. The seven English kings mentioned by name in Wulfstan's writings (Alfred, Edward the Elder, AEthelstan, Edmund, Edgar, Edward the Martyr and AEthelred) ruled within one century of his lifetime, and t...

Abstract: The aim of this article is to consider and assess the recent call by a number of prominent churchmen and religious leaders, including the former Archbishop, Lord Williams, for a study of Humanism t...

Abstract: Although Henry Edward Manning, archbishop and later cardinal of Westminster, often is labeled an extreme ultramontanist, he can be more accurately described as holding a “moderate” view of infallibility similar to the one defined at the First Vatican Council and held by Cardinal John Henry Newman. Manning thought that the Council’s definition of papal infallibility came at an opportune moment; he also accepted a wider range of secondary objects that can be defined infallibly by the pope than did Newman.

Abstract: This article discusses the emergence of the episcopal see in Vaxjo. Contrary to previous research, which has been focused on written sources only, this article also discusses the archaeological record. The result implies that vivid connections between Scania, Denmark and southern Smaland can be traced in the Late Iron Age and Early Middle Ages. This is shown by similarities in grave types, runic stones and medieval stone churches. The initiative for the new diocese can probably be found in regional elite groups acting in cooperation with the archbishop in Lund.

Abstract: St Leocadia, a fourth-century Toledan Christian virgin and patron saint of the city, miraculously emerged from a sepulchre in the presence of Ildephonsus, Archbishop of Toledo, and the Visigothic King Recesvintus, in the 7th century. After this wondrous event, in which a fragment of her veil was cut as proof of her public visitation, her body was removed from Toledo to be preserved from the Muslim conquest, taken to Flanders and eventually repatriated to her home town at the request of Philip II as the Lutheran threat to the Spanish northern territories escalated. A wave of literature and images concerning her figure was produced in the wake of three events: the return of her relics to Toledo in 1587, those of Ildephonsus in 1596 and the inauguration of the chapel of Our Lady of the Tabernacle, also in Toledo, in 1616. The following essays consider why and how this virgin saint became instrumental in cementing the alliance of Church and Monarchy as well as buttressing the Archbishop of Toledo’s st...

Abstract: Each Archbishop of Canterbury has a distinctive style of leadership. To some extent, this will always be shaped and framed by prevalent contemporary cultures of leadership that are to be found within wider society. The paper examines and questions some aspects in the development of the current Archbishop of Canterbury's role. It argues that the combination of a certain kind of charismatic leadership, coupled to enhanced managerial organization, may be preventing the prospect of theological acuity and spiritual wisdom playing a more significant role in the continual formation of ecclesial polity in the Church of England, and across the wider Anglican Communion.

Abstract: In 1963 the Second Vatican Council voted overwhelmingly to introduce the vernacular into Roman Catholic worship. The Irish hierarchy decided that both Irish and English speakers should be catered for in the reformed liturgy. Within a few years John Charles McQuaid, archbishop of Dublin, had gained a widespread reputation as having gone further than his fellow bishops in the provision of masses in Irish. At the same time he was criticised for his lack of enthusiasm towards other areas of liturgical reform. This dichotomy stemmed from McQuaid’s deep dismay at the church’s new ecumenical direction and the possibility that it would lead to shared worship between Catholics and Protestants. Yet, as a senior prelate in the Catholic Church, he was obliged to implement each of the Council’s decrees, including those concerning the liturgy. McQuaid’s response was to introduce Vatican-approved changes to the mass, while simultaneously protecting the traditional liturgy he cherished. So he tried to re-establish the Latin rite on the same terms as those he had arranged for the Irish mass. Had he succeeded, the result would have been a reduction in the use of an English vernacular which he found offensive to his Catholic sensibilities.

Abstract: Walking the streets of the residential district in Sri Lanka's capital, Colombo, in the fall of 1962, I noticed this street plate?Zaleski Place. I was then serving as the Asia Foundation's visiting Professor at the Univer sity of Ceylon, Peradeniya, and soon found out from local historians that a Polish churchman, Archbishop Wladyslaw Michal Bonifacy Zaleski, served there as Apostolic Delegate for the East Indies for a quarter of a century. He was transferred to Rome in December 1916 and became the Patriarch of

Abstract: This article analyses the composition and contents of CCCC 201, a manuscript containing a substantial collection of the writings of the writer and statesman Archbishop Wulfstan, as well as, among other prose texts, the first romance in the English language, Apollonius of Tyre (it is arguably also significant as being the “fifth” codex of Old English poetry, since it contains Judgement Day II and four other poems). Building on earlier scholarship I argue for substantial connections between the social and political themes of the two main narrative prose texts—the Old English Apollonius of Tyre and The Story of Joseph—and the rest of the anthology. Written in the mid-eleventh century, most likely at the New Minster in Winchester, the manuscript presents a coherent grand narrative of law-making and nation-building that connects the book with the court of King Cnut.

Abstract: In 1575 an account of the extraordinary journey of one Symon Semeonis was presented to the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge by Archbishop Matthew Parker, one of the most important figures in the early Anglican church. It is the first comprehensive account of a pilgrimage undertaken from Ireland to Palestine, and is unique in its description of the social and economic character of Europe in the 14th century. Although we have records of 570 written narratives of pilgrimages undertaken between 300 and 1500CE, Symon Symeonis' is the only one of Irish origin. The Itinerarium Symonis Semeonis Ab Hiberma Ad Terram Sanctum details the social and economic

Abstract: Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 575 is the Parker Register, the master copy of the catalogue of books in the library of Matthew Parker (1504-75), Archbishop of Canterbury and former Master of the College1 The books came to the college at the archbishop's death under the terms of a quadripartite indenture, signed by himself, the college and two other Cambridge colleges, Gonville and Caius and Trinity Hall These two colleges also have texts of the catalogue, and the three served as check lists in the annual audit of books that the Parker bequest stipulated The Corpus copy, as was natural enough, came in for rougher handling than the other two, and in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century the college had it rebound in rough calf The Caius (MS 710/743) and Trinity Hall (MS 29) copies retain the original Lambeth bindings with Parker's arms stamped on the cover There is also a catalogue of the Parker books, in Lambeth Palace Library MS 723, to be considered, but that, as will be seen, is of a different nature from the others CCCC 575 was rebacked a few years ago, but unfortunately the then librarian missed the opportunity of collating it while it was unsewn It is hard now to be sure of the collation since several sheets have had their folds

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Abstract: New York’s Catholic Governor Mario Cuomo (1932–2015) personally affirmed the Church’s position on abortion; however, his “pro-life” convictions did not translate into public policy, believing he should not impose his religious beliefs on others. As a pro-choice politician, Cuomo clashed with New York’s Archbishop John J. O’Connor (1920–2000) in 1984 over abortion and the role of the Church and its members, including politicians, in advancing “pro-life” measures. The ensuing Cuomo-O’Connor debate must be viewed in the context of other abortion-related discussions between 1980 and 1984, including the unsuccessful attempt to pass a human life amendment, the divide between American bishops and their new allies in the “religious right,” the bishops’ pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace , and Chicago Archbishop Joseph Bernardin’s “consistent ethic of life” teaching. Cuomo, in voicing his personal opposition to abortion, yet refusing to impose the beliefs on others, skillfully walked a tightrope between his Catholicism and his politics even as O’Connor questioned how he could profess to be both a Catholic and govern as a pro-choice elected official.

Abstract: In the fall of 1731 count Leopold von Firmian, archbishop of Salzburg, issued an edict of expulsion forcing tens of thousands of Protestants to leave their homes. The archbishop, who was a nobleman from Tyrol, had enjoyed a Jesuit education and was intent on re-creating the old power and splendor of the Roman Catholic Church in the archdiocese of Salzburg. While propertied subjects had three months to leave their homes for good, nonpropertied subjects had to get out of Salzburg within eight days. The protests from all over Europe that the execution of this expulsion with the help of six thousand imperial troops violated the agreement of Westphalia were not heard before 1740, when the regulations in Salzburg were changed. By then all the Protestants had already left the area. The emigrants settled in the protestant parts of southern Germany, in East Prussia, in the Netherlands, and in the new English colony of Georgia. Especially those going to Georgia were hoping to establish a Christian utopia in the New World, a dream, which they were denied in a Europe marred by the wars of religion.

Abstract: A letter which John Bale (1495-1563) sent to Matthew Parker (1504 -75) in 1560 in reply to an enquiry from the archbishop about 'bokes of an ti qui te, not printed' is less well known than it might be.1 It was published obscurely, except for a Cambridge audience by H. R. Luard more than a century ago.2 Its detailed evidence has rarely been taken into account: R. L. Poole and M. Bateson,3 N. R. Ker in his Medieval libraries of Great Britain* C. Brett and J. P. Carley,5 have surprisingly all given it less than its due. Indeed, even Honor McCusker,6 who in 1942 reprinted much of the text in her John Bale, dramatist and antiquary,7 used it merely to show Bale's relationship with Parker: there is little sign of her interest in identifying the books listed in the letter.