Abstract: The idea of converting Scandinavia to Christianity had been enthusiastically pursued by the Emperor Louis the Pious and Archbishop Ebbo of Rheims in the 820s. Optimism such as theirs was, however, not to last, and little progress was made between the death of Archbishop Rimbert of Hamburg-Bremen in 888 and the conversion of Harald Bluetooth a century later. This article examines how Rimbert wrote a saint's Life about Anskar, his predecessor and ‘apostle of the north’, in an attempt to arrest the waning support for the mission. It considers how this was achieved by placing the text in the context of the clashes between Ebbo and his successor, Hincmar, the predestination debate and the idea that mission was fulfilling apocalyptic prophecies.

Abstract: The Reformation debate over eucharistic sacrifice threw the relationship between Scripture and Tradition into sharp relief. While apologists for the status quo appealed to Scripture, they usually admitted that it could not be defended without an appeal to Tradition as well. For the Reformers, on the other hand, the "sacrifice of the Masses" epitomised the triumph of the human words and institutions over the Word of God. The Mass was replaced with new liturgies consistent with what the Reformers held to be a scriptural doctrine of the sacrament. Martin Bucer is widely recognised as the "ecumenist" among the Reformers. His irenic activity was directed not only at securing unity within the Evangelical movement, but also at mending the divisions which the Reformation had opened in the wider European church. From 1534, Bucer sought to reassure adherents of the traditional church that Evangelical doctrine was consistent not only with Scripture but with the decrees of the councils and popes, the writing of the church fathers and even the scholastics. He sought as well to engage them in a joint reformation of the church based on the historical consensus ecclesiae. This study assesses Martin Bucer's theology of eucharistic sacrifice in terms of this broader project. Its development is traced from his earliest published attack on the Mass in 1523, but the focus of the study is Bucer's writing between 1534 and 1546. This period covers his involvement in the Second Colloquy of Leipzig (1539) and the secret colloquy of Worms (1540). It also covers his involvement with Hermann von Wied's attempt to introduce the Reformation to the Archdiocese of Cologne in the wake of the First Colloquy of Regensburg (1541). Two works are considered here. The first is Constans defensio (1543): Bucer's response to the Antididagma (1543) in which the Cologne cathedral chapter attacked the archbishop's reform proposals. The second is Bucer's De vera et falsa caenae dominicae administratione (1546). In both Bucer appealed to the fathers. This time, however, he did so to distinguish his understanding of eucharistic sacrifice from that of Johannes Cropper, the Catholic theologian who had collaborated with him on the Worms-Regensburg Book. Their debate clarifies ambiguities in the articles on the Mass which emerged from the Colloquies. It also sheds light on Bucer's own understanding of these articles. During the era of the colloquies, Bucer seems to have been ready to countenance the continued use of the Mass of the Roman rite in the Catholic territories of Germany, but subject provisos. Firstly, the private Mass would be abolished. Secondly, congregational communion would be encouraged at public Masses. Thirdly, the Roman Canon would be subject to a "suitable interpretation," and the priests and people would be instructed in it. The suitable interpretation would involve the following components. Firstly, the people would be warned against superstitious faith in the opus operatum. The opus operatum would be interpreted in terms of Bucer's later theology of sacramental efficacy: i.e. as the exhibitio of the body and blood of Christ and its faithful consumption. The "application" of Christ's sacrifice to non-communicants, living and dead would be understood as thanksgiving and intercession offered by Christ's members through, with and in Christ their head. The "merits" of the saints would be understood as their intercession for the church militant. "Offering" for the dead would be understood as the church's recognition of its communion with those who had died in Christ, and its hope to share with them in the resurrection. While Bucer and Cropper failed to agree on the nature of Christ's presence in the eucharist, both agreed that, considered as a whole, the Last Supper fulfilled the types of the Old Testament sacrifices. It did so as realised memorial. In both God's past deeds were recalled with thanksgiving. Material goods were presented which "represented" both the people's thanksgiving and the fruits of God's action in the past. A portion of this offering was eaten in God's presence. A portion was set aside for the use of the poor. In both rituals, priest and people anticipated the completion of God's promises. For Israel, this fulfilment was Christ. For the church it was the perfect unity of Christ and his body.

Abstract: Giles of Rome was the archbishop of Bourges and a loyal champion of Pope Boniface VIII during the Franco-papal crisis of 1296–1303. On Ecclesiastical Power was written at the height of the conflict between Pope Boniface VIII and King Philip IV of France and represents the earliest fully articulated and philosophically developed defense of the "hierocratic" ideology of the medieval papacy. Giles’s theory that all government must be legitimized by the pope was based on scriptural, philosophical, patristic, and canonical sources, and his conclusion that the pope is the rightful ruler and final judge of the world—even in secular matters—is the definitive statement on papal power in the Middle Ages. This book offers a new and complete critical edition of the Latin text, based on a collation of five fourteenth-century manuscripts. It is accompanied by a literal English translation and a detailed introduction analyzing the context and content of the treatise. The book takes into account the hitherto unconsidered Cremona manuscript of On Ecclesiastical Power and will be indispensable to scholars and students of the history of political thought and international relations.

Abstract: This article re-examines the history of a saint’s cult that has been taken as a crucial test case in discussions of Norman attitudes towards Anglo-Saxon culture. The first study to offer a systematic survey of the liturgical, diplomatic and hagiographical evidence, it shows that the promotion of Gregory the Great as ‘Apostle of the English’ was not – as argued by the late Richard Southern – a concession to native ethnic sensibilities on the part of the Archbishop Anselm (1093-1109), but a contribution to the exemption dispute between the archbishopric of Canterbury and St Augustine’s Abbey. In so doing, the article draws attention to the ways in which ethnic rhetoric was constructed and manipulated to support claims to status and power in the context of medieval colonialism. A secondary theme is the intersections between local conflicts between churches over status and privilege, and the (inter)national issues of Church-State relations in the Middle Ages – especially the English version of the Investiture Contest.

Abstract: In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”

Abstract: [Archbishop Daniel Pilarczyk of Cincinnati has appropriately criticized the attempt to judge by today's standards those bishops who in the past routinely reassigned clerical sexual predators to oth...

Abstract: The subject of this dissertation is a survey of the evolution of Church-State relations in Cyprus from the fourth century, but with particular focus on the modern era, that is, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The aim is to provide a survey accounting for general and particular developments as well as highlighting various critical moments and issues. After giving a brief account of the origins and early history of the Cyprus Church, I will concentrate on the emergence and development of the autocephalous Church of Cyprus from its origins in the fourth century. The historical autonomy of the Cyprus Church is very important to the history of the island because Orthodox Christianity managed to survive and thrive, in spite of so many invasions, due to the role played by the Church. The position of the ethnarchy (ethnarch= national leader) is central to the history of Cyprus. For the Archbishop of Cyprus as ethnarch was considered not only by the Greek Orthodox inhabitants of the island as their national leader, but also by the conquerors, especially by the Turks and the British. I accordingly examine in detail the prerogatives and rights of the Archbishop of Cyprus granted during the Ottoman occupation (1571-1878) and also the acceptance of his leadership by the British administration (1878-1960). In the last two Chapters I stress that the role of the ethnarch. Archbishop Makarios III, leading up to the independence of Cyprus in 1960 is vital, as is evident during the negotiations with the British Government. It was he who signed, on behalf of the Greek population of Cyprus, the Zurich and London agreements by which the new State of Cyprus was established. It was also through his guidance and interventions that the new Cyprus constitution of 1960 was framed. This safeguarded the privileges of the Church, inherited from the time of the Ottoman Empire, and since Archbishop Makarios III was the Head of State from 1960-1977 nobody ever tried to dispute them. Finally, I highlight and evaluate in this thesis the conflict arising from the two traditional roles of the ethnarch on the one hand, his new civil office on the other. It suggests that the manoeuvring by the ethnarch, Makarios III, saw him use his authoritarian and charismatic nature to achieve power by exploiting his spiritual and national roles. The culmination of this was the confusion and instability that led to the deterioration of relations between Greece and Cyprus and the inevitable invasion Cyprus by Turkey in 1974 after the Coup.

Abstract: This is the pilgrimage of an Irish Primate during years of dramatic change - a man who had to come to terms with a religious role no theological training could prepare him for. An academic lawyer, his life was transformed when the Irish question began to erupt. In the years that followed he found himself thrust into a cauldron of change and revolution, and the birth of a new Ireland. In the course of those momentous years he became the confidant of Prime Ministers, politicians and world figures. Margaret Thatcher, John Major and Albert Reynolds became his acquaintances. The Downing Street declaration, the Anglo-Irish Agreement and confidential briefings in London and Dublin, demanded his attention. The negotiation of a ceasefire called on his legal experience. The Peace Process became his real test. This biography is a frank analysis of a fascinating period of history through the eyes of a man whose feelings and sympathies for his own community were tested by the realities of violent political change.

Abstract: Let us contemplate Thomas Cranmer, Primate of All England, sitting on an altar to preside over the trial of Anabaptist heretics. The time is May 1549; the altar, unceremoniously covered over to support the judge, is that of the Lady Chapel in St Paul’s Cathedral in London; several of the heretics on trial have denied the Catholic doctrine of the incarnation, and one will later be burned at the stake. In a compelling paradox, an archbishop tramples an altar of Our Lady in the course of defending the incarnation. One witness in the crowd of onlookers was a pious and scholarly Welsh Catholic, Sir Thomas Stradling, who later wrote down his reactions to the occasion. He interpreted it as the uncannily accurate fulfilment of an eleventh-century prophecy to be found in a manuscript in his own library: Cranmer, he pointed out, went on to be punished for his blasphemy first by the 1549 rebellions and then by his fiery death at the stake.’

Abstract: The Capuchin friar, Valerian Magni, was one of the most influential churchmen of the first half of the seventeenth century. A confidant of Pope Urban VIII, an advisor to the emperor Ferdinand II and an intimate of the Polish king Wladyslaw IV, Magni worked tirelessly as a religious mediator for nearly fifty years. This article investigates his ecumenical activity in two major arenas, Bohemia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the Czech kingdom Magni collaborated with young Archbishop Harrach to counter the Jesuits' harsher policies of reCatholicisation while in Poland he endeavoured to reunite both Protestant and Orthodox communities with the Catholic Church.

Abstract: The most valuable source for the history of the early crusades and the Kingdom of Jerusalem is undoubtedly William of Tyre's A History of Deeds Done Beyond The Sea. A work of great scholarship and careful detail, it is particularly important in that William was Chancellor of the Kingdom of Jerusalem from 1174 and Archbishop of Tyre from 1175 to his death c. 1185 and so was closely placed to the political decision making of the period. William was also a careful and highly educated scholar; although born in Jerusalem, he spent twenty years among the leading intellectuals of France and Italy and, after pursuing an avid interest in the liberal arts, devoted himself to civil law and the teachings of the masters at Bologna.1 In this respect William is far more than a narrator of crusading history, for which he would be highly regarded; he is also an important figure in the intellectual advances of the twelfth century. A close examination of William's vocabulary of social order shows that in his work he advanced the evolution of twelfth-century social concepts and also shed some light on the social structure of the Kingdom of Jerusalem.The History was commissioned by King Amalric of Jerusalem in 1167 and took its final form after redrafting by William in 1184, and it is clear that in his work William reveals a very rich vocabulary to describe social classes (see appendix). William actually uses the term classis to mean a social category of person. Current scholarship in history, sociology, and political theory would consider it anachronistic to talk about class in the twelfth century. Indeed, the use of classis as a term for social category must have been extremely rare as even such eminent scholars of lexicographers as Charles Dufresne Du Cange and Jan Frederik Niermeyer do not note it.Insofar as medieval writers before William discussed society, they referred to ordines, the orders of society. In the early part of the eleventh century even the most advanced discussion of the subject of class had not progressed beyond the work of Adalbero, Bishop of Laon, and Gerard, Bishop of Cambrai, writing c. 1025, who had articulated the famous tripartite division of society according to function-those who pray, those who fight, and those who labor.2William uses the term ordo to mean order in the theological sense and ordines to indicate social order, but equally often he uses the term classis for the same purpose. For example, in describing the character of Baldwin III, he writes that "[Baldwin] acquired so great favor to himself from the commoners and the greater people that he was more popular with both classes [classis] than his predecessors."3 After the defeat of King Louis VII at Mount Cadmus, 7 January 1148, during the second Crusade, William describes how the women fearfully cast about during for the return of fathers, lords, husbands, and sons: "and while they did not find what they sought they spent the night kept awake by the burden of their cares ... nevertheless there returned in the night some of each of these classes [classis]."4Classis also appears in the phrase secundae classis homines, a phrase used three times to indicate a category of middle-class person. In describing the distant origins of the Hospitallers he says that it was a time when "there also flocked [to Jerusalem] some of the other nations, both nobles and the second class of men."5 At the fall of Balbis (3 November 1168) King Amalric's troops, "scarcely spared the old people and children, and were not any more merciful to the second class of persons."6 For his campaign beginning December 1170 the king's formidable opponent Saladin "increased his army with commoners and the second class of people."7 It is interesting to note that in these last two examples the term is referring to Muslim society, which William must have considered as socially diverse as his own. The existence and activity of a middle class of person as subjects of his history required William to use similar phrases throughout his work such as mediae manus hominum, secundae manus homines, and inferioris manus homines. …

Abstract: In a recent paper Michel Margue and Jean Schroeder have drawn a vivid picture of the intellectual life of the diocese of Trier in the time of Archbishop Egbert (977-93). They portray it as ‘a colourful and busy world of small and greater personalities, who give the impression of being constantly under way: budding students, renowned teachers, talented copyists or recognised authors who do not cease moving from place to place for the purpose of education and knowledge and who do not keep to the rule of stabilitas loci’. One of the greater personalities to whom Margue and Schroeder have drawn attention is an Englishman, Abbot Leofsige of Mettlach (c. 988-c. 993).

Abstract: Preface Acknowledgements Introduction 1 William Temple and Anglican Tradition 2 The Defining One-Tenth: A Doctrine of the Church 3 The Sacramental Life of the Church 4 The Authority of the Church: To Baptize Society 5 Continuing the Tradition Bibliography Index

Abstract: William Rufus celebrated Christmas for the first time as king at London. No diploma from that occasion has preserved the names of the great men who attended, though Henry of Huntingdon mentions the names of the bishops present. His most probable source may have been a diploma for Bishop Remigius of Lincoln, now lost but accessible to Henry at Lincoln. Last of those named (apart from Remigius himself, who would not have witnessed such a diploma but must be counted as Henry's addition) was Odo, bishop of Bayeux. William Rufus had restored him to his earldom of Kent, and he is addressed as earl in one surviving writ, appointing Wido as abbot of St Augustine's abbey, Canterbury, in the closing months of 1087. A source from Canterbury tells us that Odo was present in Canterbury when Abbot Wido was installed by Archbishop Lanfranc. If the much later writer William Thorne has correctly given the date as 21 December, they may have travelled from there to London together for the king's Christmas court. After his coronation William of Malmesbury tells us that ‘for the rest of the winter’ King William ‘enjoyed peace and popularity’, though none of the national chroniclers mentions that in January or February the king, ‘surrounded by a great multitude of the great men of the palace’, travelled north to York, something that must be gathered from Stephen of Whitby's account of the founding of St Mary's abbey.

Abstract: The New York School controversy of 1840–43 has often been treated as simply an event in the history of Catholic parochial education with some ramifications for New York City's antebellum politics. However, a fresh analysis suggests that it illuminates key themes in Atlantic, American, and cultural history as well as providing a model of how the Catholic church responded to sex scandal and media problems by allowing activist bishops and archbishops to centralize power and to wield community authority. A study of John Joseph Hughes, first Archbishop of New York during the crisis, also begins to suggest his importance as an American figure, engaging with governors, presidents, senators, and mayors. This article revisits the controversy, details the major events in its development, and seeks to place it in a context of modern political styles, rhetoric, and Irish‐American assimilation.

Abstract: After a long eclipse, Cardinal Manning seems to be slowly coming into his own: Vincent A. McClelland, Robert Gray, James Pereiro, and David Newsome have recently contributed to this long overdue reappraisal. A fresh look has been taken at many aspects of his work, but so far his political role has not attracted much attention, and since Shane Leslie in 1921 and Denis Gwynn in 1951 last took an interest, the subject has been largely ignored. I wish here to reopen the subject and study the relation of English Catholics to Irish nationalism under his episcopacy. The Gladstone Diaries and correspondence, my own work on "H. E. Manning and the Social Question," and Professor Alphonse Chapeau's collection of the Manning Papers formerly housed in the library of the Universit? Catholique de l'Ouest in Angers, have helped me track the course of Manning's involvement with Ireland from 1865 to 1890, a twenty-five year period covering the growth of Fenianism, the Land War, and Parnell's rise and fall. The Irish question was no part of Manning's inheritance as Archbishop of Westminster. His predecessor, though himself an Irishman, had been wary of getting caught in this hornet's nest. A trueborn Englishman, Manning loved Catholic Ireland and managed to use his influence in high political circles for the sake of peace and justice in the "sister-island" until Britain, faced with a quasi-revolutionary situation in the 1880s, tried to use the authority of Rome to make the Irish Catholics more amenable to British rule and approached the Pope for the sake of quieting Ireland, forcing Manning to side with his Irish brethren when the English Catholics chose to stand by class and privilege. Delated by the Times as "the active promoter of separatist intrigues," dissuaded by the Archbishop of Dublin to publish his "Address to the Irish People" because he was viewed as the real author of the revolt of the Irish Party against Parnell, Cardinal Manning seems to have been yet another victim of the tragedy that wrecked the career of a brilliant politician and shattered the prospects of Ireland when Home Rule appeared so near at hand. Was Parnell's hubris responsible for the eventual catastrophe, was it the English Catholics' short sightedness, their archbishop's "extreme" and "mistaken" views or the Nonconformists' Puritanism, will be up to the reader to decide. But the rapprochement

Abstract: In the year 1000 the emperor Otto III arrived in Poland to elevate Gniezno to the level of archbishopric, thus creating the first Polish ecclesiastical province, to which the apostolic see had given its consent earlier. The ruler of Poland, Prince Boleslaw Chrobry of the Piast dynasty, managed to win Otto's trust by supporting his project of the 'revival of the Roman empire' and was called 'an aide' of the empire. The newly formed Piast state was racked by a political disaster in 1031. The earlier attempts by Poland in the late tenth century had no lasting effect, and the bishopric of Kolobrzeg, founded in the year 1000, disappeared. The junior princes' position was strengthened by the support of the archbishop of Gniezno, the head of the Polish church. The role of money increased, and during the reign of Mieszko Stary his mint issued numerous coins with Hebrew inscriptions.

Abstract: Sometime between 1070 and 1077, Anselm, then prior of the monastery of Bec in Normandy, wrote to his friend Maurice, a former Bec monk residing at Christ Church, Canterbury, and asked him to seek out copies of various texts, including Bede's De temporibus and the Regula of St. Dunstan — presumably the Regularis concordia, the platform-document of the English Benedictine reform of the tenth century. Shortly thereafter, Anselm wrote again to Maurice, indicating that another text had been added to his desiderata: Should it come to pass that, with [Archbishop Lanfranc's] favor always embracing us, you return to us (as is expedient for you, and as you and I desire), bring with you what you will have copied of the Aphorisms. In the meantime, however, do as much of the text as you can without inconvenience to yourself, and then, if you are free, of the commentary, giving heed above all that whatever you will have brought with you has been corrected with the utmost diligence. If after your return any of it still remains to be done, and if Dom Gundulf is able to finish it through someone else, leave it to the person whom he designates. But it would be much better if Dom Gundulf were able to obtain by request the exemplar itself, so that it could be lent to me.

Abstract: he «ejemplo XI» in Don Juan Manuel's El conde Lucanor (1335) is generally ranked among the best tales in the book, but a particular feature of it has been long since neglected: The "Dean de Santiago" is made to believe himself Archbishop of Santiago, then Bishop of Tolosa, Cardinal and Pope. Apparently, leaving Santiago for Tolosa is a step downwards (the Archbishop demoted to Bishop) in an ascending career, what has embarrased critics as well as writers of modem versions of the tale. However, an inquiry into the contemporary history shows that Tolosa (Toulouse, now in France) was then closely linked with the Popes residing in Avignon, especially with John XXII (1316-1334). Thus the tale combines Don Yllan's magic with a realistic set for the ecclesiastical carreer of the Dean de Santiago, resulting in a satire and a playful inversion of actual characters and events.

Abstract: Early Modern European Creating Christian Granada: Society & Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492-1600. By David Coleman. (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 2003. Pp. xii, 252. $39.95 clothbound.) "When did Granada become a Christian city?" With this question, David Coleman begins his book, insisting that the superficial response, "1492," is only the beginning. Coleman's answers illuminate complex processes of the early modern world. He clarifies the Castilian incorporation of Granada, the influx of immigrants, the transformations of the indigenous inhabitants, and the religious reforms developing in the frontier city. Although a unique example, Granada's history framed Spanish American experience, Tridentine reforms, hoaxes, multi-ethnic societies, and, according to Coleman, a better way to understand the "policy that underlay early modern Catholic reform." People and events of post-conquest Granada vividly emerge. Domingo Ferez de Herrasti, a Castilian soldier, benefited so successfully from his public positions that he was often accused of corruption. Or Yaya el Fisteli, a Muslim from Malaga, who lived in Granada, and when baptized in 1498, became Fernando Morales with positions on both city councils. Francisco Nunez Muley lobbied both Charles V and Philip II but remained frustrated in defending his morisco traditions. Pedro Sânchez and Juana Gonzalez, Christian immigrants, came for frontier opportunities but ended up beggars. Coleman balances archival materials with secondary histories. He examines cathedral sources, chancellery cases, municipal notes, and notarized documents. He blends the histories of Granada and analyzes religion in the sixteenth century. Council of Trent details are retold through the experience of Peclro Guerrero, Archbishop of Granada from 1546 to 1576 and leader of the Spanish delegation during the last period. At home in Granada, Guerrero overruled clerics who wanted to challenge his authority. Coleman points to the force with which Guerrero signed "PETRUS granatens" and not just the normal "P. granatens." Coleman sympathizes with the Archbishop of Granada, but the portrayal conforms more to an Italian observation that Guerrero was "harder and more obstinate than a rock." Coleman notes the irony of the surname:guerrero means warrior in English. Even Pedro, Guerrero's given name, is apt. The fighting, rock-like Archbishop of Granada had to work in a world of compromises. No one leads by brute force. The first chapters of Creating Christian Granada identify the Christian immigrant community and Granada's indigenous inhabitants, the mudejares and moriscos. …

Abstract: COINS WERE MINTED in the name of the Archbishop of York from Ecgberht (732/4-66) to Wulfhere (854-900?)1 The archbishops' names disappeared from the coinage after the fall of the kingdom of Northumbria in 867, and no documentary sources refer to any aspect of their minting rights before the Norman Conquest This article will reconstruct the development of the archbishop's mint and minting rights from the time of the earliest known source, in the reign of William I (1066-87), to the mint's closure in the 1540s The archbishop did not have an exclusive right to the production of coinage in York, and the history of the archbishop's mint must be seen in the context of the very different development of the royal mint in York The archiepiscopal and royal mints of York were the subject of a substantial article by the York historian Robert Davies in the 1850s, and in 1908 Caesar Caine published an invaluable book on the archbishop's mint2 The archiepiscopal and royal mints received further attention from George Benson in 1913 and L A Lawrence in 1925, and there have been many publications on the English ecclesiastical mints since the 1960s3 A new survey of the growing body of documentary evidence is needed, to