Abstract: When William I and his army arrived in Canterbury they found a powerful and long-established ecclesiastical centre, whose traditions and culture differed in many respects from those of Normandy. The Conquest brought dramatic change: Archbishop Stigand was deprived in 1070 to be replaced by the Norman abbot Lanfranc; Canterbury Cathredral itself was burnt down in 1067 and rebuilt in a Norman style. But in the following years Canterbury's position in the English church was preserved and enhanced and Norman churchmen came to appreciate more fully the importance of their English inheritance. These essays provide a reassessment of this subject reflecting modern interests and research. They discuss the political setting of Canterbury and its churches, both locally and nationally, the aims and achievements of its leaders, the cults of its saints and many aspects of its artistic achievement. Together they bring into focus what is a crucial test case for the impact of the Norman Conquest on English politics, society and culture. Contributors to the book include Martin Brett, Richard Gameson, Sandy Heslop, Tim Tatton-Brown and Tessa Webber.

Abstract: Late in March 1604, as his biographer John Strype records, Archbishop John Whitgift's “Corps was carried to Croydon … and there honourably interred in the Parish-Church … with a decent Solemnity.” Sir George Paule concurred, noting that the “Funerall was very honourably (as befitted his place) solemnized.” The funeral's honor, decency, and solemnity were somewhat marred, however, for among those laudatory elegies and epitaphs traditionally placed upon hearses, some audacious soul had contrived to pin a far from complimentary piece of doggerel. Entitled “The Lamentation of Dickie for the Death of his Brother Jockie”—Jockie being Whitgift and Dickie his successor as archbishop, Richard Bancroft—the poem was a vicious tirade against the late archbishop and his policies. The fullest extant copy survives in a collection of political papers once owned by the Kentishman Sir Peter Manwood:The prelats pope, the canonists hope,The Cortyers oracle, virginities spectacle,Reformers hinderer, trew pastors slanderer,The papists broker, the Atheists ClokerThe ceremonyes procter, the latyn docterThe dumb doggs patron, non resid[e]ns championA well a daye is dead & gone,and Jockey hath left dumb dickye alone.Prelats relent, Cortyers lamentPapiste bee sadd, Athiests runn maddGrone formalists, mone pluralistsfrowne ye docters, mourne yee ProctersBegge Registers, starve paratorsscowle ye summoners, howle yee songstersYour great Patron is dead & gone,& Jockey hath left dumb dickye alone.Popishe Ambition[,] vaine superstition,coulured conformity[,] canckared envye,Cunninge hipocrisie[,] faigned simplicity,masked ympiety, servile flatterye,Goe all daunce about his hearse,& for his dirge chant this verseOur great patron is dead and gone,& Jhockey hath left dumb dickey alone.Yf store of mourners yet there lackelett Croyden coull[i]ers bee more blackeAnd for a Cophin take a sackebearing the corpes upon their backedickye more blacke then any oneas chief mourner may marche aloneSinginge this requiem Jhocky is gone,& dickye hopes to play Jhocky aloneholla dickye bee not so bould,to woulve yt in Cheif Jhesis fouldas yf to hell thy Soule weare sould,lest as Jhocky was oft foretouldIf thou a persecutor stand,God likewise strike thee wth his hand:A-rankinge thee in the bloudy bandof ravening cleargie woolves in the land.

Abstract: Epiphanius of Salamis, the father of the Cypriot Autocephaly the Church of Cyprus in the Byzantine Empire (AD 330-1191) Cyprus, Nea Justinianoupolis the position of Cyprus in the Episcopal lists of the seventh Ecumenical Council John Chrysostomites, a 12th-century patriarch of Jerusalem the commentary of St Neophytos the Recluse on the canons of the 12 dominical feasts an unpublished commentary by St Neophytos the Recluse on the Apocalypse an unpublished catechetical instruction by St Neophytos the Recluse on the transfiguration St Noephytos the Recluse and the beginnings of Frankish rule in Cyprus St Neophytos the Recluse, "Homilies on the Sermon on the Mount" Cyprus as a stepping-stone between West and East in the Age of the Crusades - the two churches an unpublished letter in Slavonic from Archbishop Christodoulos I to the Tsar Michael Feodorovich Romanov the Church of Cyprus in the 18th and 19th centuries Archbishop Kyprianos's inkstand the canonical decision of Konstantios, Archbishop of Sinai, on the election and deposition of the Archbishop of Cyprus the last known document of the "Ethnomartyr", Archbishop Kyprianos, 16 May 1821 on the four Leontii martyred in Cyprus after the events of 1821 the four Leontii revisited the antiochene Question of 1897-1899 - an unpublished journal of C.I. Myrianthopoulos the Church of Cyprus from 1878 to 1955.

Abstract: Caterpillars of the Commonwealth? Courtiers in late medieval England, Rosemary Horrox diet and consumption in gentry and noble households - a case study from around the Wash, Christopher Woolgar Richard II's ordinances of war of 1385, Maurice Keen Richard II's views on kingship, Simon Walker Henry IV, the Commons and the recovery of Royal finance in 1407, Edmund Wright the strange death of Sir John Mortimer - politics and the law of treason in Lancastrian England, Edward Powell parliamentary restoration - John Mowbray and the Dukedom of Norfolk in 1425, Rowena E. Archer a disputed mortgate - Ralph, Lord Cromwell, Sir John Gra and the Manor of Multon Hall, S.J. Payling "The Greatest Man of That Age" - the acquisition of Sir John Fastolf's East Anglian estates, Anthony Smith friends of the dead - executors, wills and family strategy in 15th-century Norfolk, Philippa Maddern the stonor circle in the 15th century, Christine Carpenter the King's goverment and the fall of Pecock, 1457-58, Jeremy Catto Crown Office and the licensed retinues in the reign of Henry VII, Dominic Luckett the Earl, the Archbishop and the Council - the affray at Fulford, May 1504, R.W. Hoyle.

Abstract: AS HE APPROACHED his seventy-fifth birthday during the summer of 1498, the venerable Thomas Rotherham, 'alia nomine vocatus Scot' (bishop of Rochester from 1468 to 1472, bishop of Lincoln from 1472 to 1480, and archbishop of York since 1480), embarked upon the arduous business of composing what was to prove his final will.1No one who now reads that will can have much doubt that his long and turbulent career at the service of the Yorkist and early Tudor court led the archbishop to leave little to chance when confronting the imminent judgement of the 'court of heaven' itself. As well as making strict instructions that his many previous wills and testaments should be annulled, Thomas Rotherham took particular pains to begin the composition of this last will on his favourite feast day, the Translation of Jesus (6 August), and to conclude it on the feast of St Bartholomew, his own birthday. Preoccupied, or so he alleged, with the fearsome danger that the Lord Jesus might not pardon his many sins the archbishop not only asserted himself to be a 'true Christian' (who could have doubted it?) but also enlisted the whole heavenly company of angels, apostles, confessors and virgins in his support. Thomas Rotherham clearly believed that it would also do his prospects of eternal salvation' no harm if his 'putrid corpse' was to be buried where its remains still survive in the north aisle of the chapel of St Mary within his metropolitan cathedral church of York. 2 However, when faced with the perilous uncertainties of the next life, Archbishop Rotherham (who in fact died at Cawood Castle nearly two years later, at dawn on 29 May 1500) could make a more positive and unusual claim for divine favour. Amidst his many other bequests to the cathedrals and colleges \"associated with his long and distinguished career he placed much the greatest emphasis upon his foundation of a peculiarly elaborate College of Jesus at Rotherham, no! far from where he had been baptized seventy-five years earlier. Here was the greatest testimonial the archbishop believed he

Abstract: Two provinces of the western church Catholic happened to coincide with the frontiers of the medieval kingdom of England: Canterbury and York. There were clear contrasts between them. York was much smaller than Canterbury, with only three dioceses to Canterbury’s fourteen; it was remoter from the centre of national affairs, and it was a poorer region overall. Either province had its own clerical parliament, Convocation, but the Convocation of Canterbury met while the national parliament was assembled and had real significance as a lawmaking body; York more or less rubber-stamped decisions from the south. After long and bitter disputes over three centuries from the Norman Conquest, the archbishop of Canterbury had emerged with a subtly-adjusted title of precedence over the archbishop of York: ‘Primate of All England’, as against York’s ‘Primate of England’.1

Abstract: The Laterculus Malalianus, a historical exegesis of the life of Christ, appears to be the only complete text to survive from the hand of Archbishop Theodore at Canterbury. Its language, style and intellectual frame of reference are thus of great importance for establishing the nature and scope of teaching at Canterbury, the first school of Anglo-Saxon England. This edition, with translation and commentary, is the third volume in this series to offer a reassessment of Canterbury as a major seat of learning, together with Bernhard Bischoff's and Michael Lapidge's edition of the biblical commentaries from the Canterbury school and Michael Lapidge's edited collection of essays on the life and influence of Archbishop Theodore. In the introduction Jane Stevenson examines the intellectual milieu of this work, argues the case for attribution to Theodore, and suggests the need for a complete rethinking of the basis of Anglo-Saxon culture.

Abstract: The church of Exeter, although geographically remote from the centres of royal and ecclesiastical power in England, was in the twelfth century in no way isolated. The rule of the important royal clerk and ambassador, William de Warelwast (1107–37), destroyed its provincialism and much of its archaism; and in the second half of the century a connection with the church of Salisbury led to the influx of some interesting men. It may be that the intimate relationship with Canterbury, inaugurated by the election of Bartholomew, Archbishop Theobald'sformer clerk, to Exeter in 1161, and repaid by the final location of the Exeter clerk Baldwin on the primatial throne in 1184, was the more rewarding for both. But the seemingly largely one-way contribution of Salisbury to Exeter is just as interesting.

Abstract: The polemics about the Inmaculate Conception reached a culminating point between the years of 1614 and 1617. The city of Seville was the scene of a confrontation between the upholdres of the Inmaculate Conception -Religious Orders, Archbishop and citizens-, and its detractors -de Dominican Order-. In that context severa! feasts, processions and masquerades took place. Among this, the masquerade of the Silversmiths Corporation stood out and it was regarded as the best one.

Abstract: In his Historia ecclesiastica , Bede tells his readers that the church is the cement to unite the squabbling tribes in the old Roman province of Britannia, especially through the link to St Peter mediated through Gregory the Great sending Augustine to Kent, and through Pope Vitalian sending Theodore of Tarsus in 668, ‘the first archbishop to whom the entire Church of the English consented to give obedience’. In Bede's pages the troubles of the church in the Mediterranean south seldom surface in the narrative. An exception is the account of the Council called by Theodore to meet at Hatfield on 17 September, probably in 679, where the assembled bishops affirmed their faith in the five oecumenical councils and also in Pope Martin Fs Lateran Council (649) whose condemnation of the doctrine that Christ, though fully human and fully divine, had only one will, created a storm with Byzantium and dreadful suffering for Martin.3 Bede records the Council's further assent to the double procession of the Spirit or ‘filioque’, on which the six councils were silent, but which Augustine's influence had erected into a non-controversial proposition in the western churches at large, even if they had not yet been added to the Credo. Bede continues by adding that Benedict Biscop had returned from pilgrimage to Rome bringing with him the precentor ( archicantator ) of St Peter's, John, commissioned by the pope (probably Agatho) to examine the orthodoxy of the English churches and to report back to Rome. The precentor brought to England the decrees of the Lateran Council of 649, and a copy was made for the monastery at Jarrow.

Abstract: The French Franciscan, Peter Aureoli, was born shortly before 1280 near Cahors in the south of France. He studied in Paris, but the date of his arrival there, 1304, quite likely would have made him too late to hear the lectures of Duns Scotus on books 1 and 4 of the Sentences. After teaching at Bologna (1312) and Toulouse (1314), Peter finally returned to Paris where he lectured from 1316–20. In July 1318, his friend John XXII sponsored him for the licentiate in Theology. The request was granted and Aureoli took the oath of Magister actu regens on 13 November 1318. Elected provincial of the Aquitaine Franciscans toward the end of 1320, he was nominated archbishop of Aix-en-Provence before he exercised the former office. Pope John XXII consecrated him on 14 June 1321, but before Peter could settle into his new task he died, probably on 10 January 1322.

Abstract: When scholars first considered the canon law known to Archbishop Theodore, they could act with decision. The materials on which to form a view were slight and little understood, and the matter could be dismissed briefly. Since then the subject has been transformed, though good editions are still thin on the ground. The complexity of the problems is now clear, but correspondingly the answers are more elusive. The systematic study of the sources of canon law in England in the seventh and eighth centuries in the light of this learning is still in its infancy. Only the most preliminary of sketches can be attempted here. What I have tried to do is to lay out the elements of the problem, to examine very briefly the bearing of the testimony of the Councils of Hertford and ‘Hatfiek’, the glossaries of Leiden and Paris and the Indicia Theodori on the question, and to end with a guess about the outcome of further work. To begin with the context. Since the pioneering studies of Johnson and Bright, our knowledge of the scale and range of canonical study in the seventh century has been enlarged out of all recognition. One consequence is that we can see how various a world Theodore came from. Bede's account of the new archbishop's journey to England provides a convenient framework for defining some of its elements. As he made his way to England he passed through at least four distinct zones in the study of canonical texts.

Abstract: The benedictional was a bishop's book, containing the prayers which only a bishop (or archbishop) could pronounce when he said mass, characteristically a lavish production. Several have survived from Anglo-Saxon England and these have recently been attracting the attention of liturgists and palaeographers. One of the most important is the 'Canterbury Benedictional', now London, British Library, Harley 2892, written at Christ Church, Canterbury, around the middle of the eleventh century. The 'Canterbury Benedictional' provides a valuable record of liturgical observance at the seat of the English archbishop. In particular, it gives a full record of the cult of saints at the metropolitan see in the last days of the Anglo-Saxon church. The Latin text is accompanied by an introduction and detailed liturgical notes in which the relationships between the surviving Anglo-Saxon benedictionals and their continental antecedents are set out for the first time. The book will be of interest to students of the medieval liturgy, and to historians of the Anglo-Saxon church. First published 1917.

Abstract: The Latin text known as Laterculus Malalianus is preserved in two manuscripts, Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 277, written probably in Rome in the early eighth century, and a ninthcentury copy made from it, now Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Voss. misc. 11. It is very badly named, since the chronographer Malalas is only one of the author's sources, though admittedly a very important one, and it is not, even in the loosest sense, a laterculus . The attribution to Theodore of Canterbury which I propose to argue gives it an interest and importance out of all proportion to its modest length, since Canterbury was the first school of Christianity and Latin literacy in Anglo-Saxon England: first in time, and in importance second only to Wearmouth–Jarrow. Specific dating and localizing criteria are circumstantial, but various: they include two references to Irish scholarship, and one to the recent erection of a basilica to the Virgin in Rome. Laterculus was edited by Theodor Mommsen, for the Monumenta Germaniae Historia, as a ‘minor chronicle’; and it is certainly based in part on the Chronographia of John Malalas, written in Greek in Constantinople or Antioch in the later sixth century. But some two-thirds of its length is completely independent of Malalas, and although its Malalaian structure is a correlation of the gospels and Roman imperial history, its independent content is basically exegetical. If it is a chronicle at all, it is an extremely poor one. I hope to show that the historical element is merely an aspect of its real identity as a work of exegesis following the traditions of Antioch.

Abstract: CHRISTIANS AND JEWS IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CASTILE: THE CAREER AND WRITINGS OF RODRIGO IIM~NEZ DE RADA, ARCHBISHOP OF TOLEDO (1 2091247)

Abstract: Wh en Kiril Lakota, the central figure of the award-winning film based on Morris West's bestseller, The Shoes of the Fisherman, was released from the Soviet Gulag and came to Rome, he was elected pope. When Joseph Slipyi (1892-1984), archbishop of Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and prototype of Lakota, was released from the Gulag by Nikita Khrushchev in 1963, he came to Rome to proclaim himself patriarch of Kiev and Halych.1 The idea of a Kievan patriarchate under the jurisdiction of Rome first appeared in the 1580s, on the eve of the ecclesiastical union of the Kiev Orthodox metropolitanate with Rome.2 The union was concluded

Abstract: The life and cult of the Persian soldier turned Christian martyr, Magundat-Anastasius, intersect at several points with what we know of the biography of Theodore of Tarsus. Magundat-Anastasius, the older of the two, was a Persian soldier who took part in the siege of Chalcedon in 614–15. Tarsus in Cilicia, Theodore's city, had been abandoned to the advancing Persians by the emperor Heraclius only three years before, when Theodore was a young boy. The cult of Anastasius spread soon after his death in 628 to Constantinople, and perhaps even Cilicia, regions closely connected with Theodore's life. By 650 at the latest, and perhaps somewhat earlier, the relic of the head of Anastasius had been brought to the Cilician monastery ad Aquas Salvias in Rome where Theodore most likely had been living as a monk before being sent to Canterbury in 668. The cult of Anastasius also reached England between the middle of the seventh century and Bede's lifetime. My purpose here is to show that it was the Greek-speaking Theodore who was responsible for introducing the cult of the Persian convert to England. New evidence suggests in fact that a Latin interlinear translation of the Greek Acta of Anastasius was found at Canterbury. It was most likely brought there by Theodore, perhaps as a gloss over the Greek. The technique of this translation and its linguistic similarities to other works only recently attributed to Theodore suggest further that this Latin version may have been executed by the future archbishop of Canterbury himself.