TL;DR: Gossaert's 1516 painting identified as "Neptune and Amphitrite" as mentioned in this paper is located in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin, Germany.
Abstract: The article discusses the 1516 painting identified as “Neptune and Amphitrite,” by Jan Gossaert, located in the Staatliche Museen in Berlin, Germany. The author discusses Roman antiquity in the painting and describes the roles of the patron Philip of Burgundy and his secretary Gerard Geldenhouwer in the painting. Other topics addressed include Gossaert's trip to Rome, Italy and his return to Zeeland, Netherlands, the use of Italian models for the painting, the deviation of the painting from the typical iconography of the Roman deities Neptune and Amphitrite, and the similarity of the painting to a c. 1507-1508 fresco by Jacopo Ripanda. Also discussed is the placement of an ancient temple on the island of Walcheren in Zeeland in the painting and the personified goddess Zeelandia.
TL;DR: Bacchylides' Seventeenth Dithyramb concerns the conflict between Theseus and Minos on board the ship that carries the fourteen Athenian youths and maidens to Crete as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Bacchylides' Seventeenth Dithyramb concerns the conflict between Theseus and Minos on board the ship that carries the fourteen Athenian youths and maidens to Crete1). The poet is here following a tradition in which Minos himself comes to Athens to collect (or choose) the victims for the Minotaur (see Jacoby on Hellanicus, FGrHist 323a F 14). Bacchylides has set this conflict within the framework of the actions and influence of the gods. The wind that falls upon the sail of Minos' ship does so at the instigation of Athena. The dispute between the two heroes concerns divine parentage: Zeus hurls a lightning-bolt as a sign to Minos; Amphitrite receives Theseus in the home of Poseidon and gives him rich gifts. Moreover, in a gnomic passage Theseus sees the actions of the heroes and their conflict in terms of the dispensation of the gods and divine justice (24 flf.). Note especially that he says of direct conflict in line 46 da???? ????e?. And so it is that the gods preside over the actions of
TL;DR: In between these two Greek inscriptions appears the only Latin one on this fresco: IAM NO[VA] PROGE[NIES, from the seventh line of Vergil's fourth Eclogue as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In between these two Greek inscriptions appears the only Latin one on this fresco: IAM NO[VA] PROGE[NIES], from the seventh line of Vergil's fourth Eclogue. These words are not quoted by Lactantius, but the eschatological prophecies of Vergil fit well enough into this particular context. If we wish, we may therefore identify the old Sibyl, sitting in front of this Latin text, with the Cumaean, but there is no compelling reason to do so, particularly since with her younger sister she is looking up at a Greek text. These Greek prophecies, however, as Lactantius argued at length, cannot be attributed to any definite Sibyl. He knew the traditional ten names of the Sibyls from Varro's list, but he insisted that they had become confused and that, except for the prophecies of the Erythrean, the authorship of individual sibylline oracles could not longer be established. He significantly added: \"Sed et nos confuse Sibyllam dicemus, sicubi testimoniis earum fuerit abutendum\".11 We should follow his example when referring to the four Sibyls of the Chigi Chapel. Even if the altar-piece planned for the Chigi Chapel showed only the Resurrection, the choice of sibylline oracles referring to the Last Judgment as well is obviously suggested by the Creed: \"Et resurrexit tertia die secundum Scripturas; et ascendit in coelum ... : et iterum venturus est cum gloria judicare vivos et mortuos.\" The Sibyls had, of course, their firm place in Christian theology and imagery. In the fifteenth century they were particularly popular; yet normally they would utter their oracles in Latin.'\" Here in the Chigi Chapel they speak once again their mother tongue. This is a true \"rinascimento dell'antichita\", perhaps not unexpected from a patron who had built the Villa Farnesina.13 L. D. ETTLINGER
TL;DR: In this paper, the role and importance of Amphitrite in Catullus c. 64, the epyllion on the wedding of Peleus and Thetis is examined.
Abstract: This paper examines the role and importance of Amphitrite in Catullus c. 64, the epyllion on the wedding of Peleus and Thetis. Catullus intends to conjure up Amphitrite's rich mythological background for the needs of his poem. Amphitrite's story contains thematic elements that recur in both narratives of c. 64, namely the main story of Peleus and Thetis, and the embedded story of Theseus and Ariadne. At the same time Amphitrite's meaningful presence in the prologue of c. 64 is a pointer to Bacchylides' Dithyramb 17, which treats Theseus' outbound journey to Crete and the test of his divine paternity, imposed by Minos. The several points of contact between B. Dith. 17 and Catul. c. 64 show that this Greek poem is an important subtext for c. 64, which has gone unnoticed so far.