TL;DR: This article investigated the lexical entry for morphologically complex words in English using a cross-modal repetition priming task and found that morphological decomposition of semantically transparent forms is independent of phonological transparency, suggesting that morphemic representations are phonologically abstract.
Abstract: The authors investigated the lexical entry for morphologically complex words in English. Six experiments, using a cross-modal repetition priming task, asked whether the lexical entry for derivationally suffixed and prefixed words is morphologically structured and how this relates to the semantic and phonological transparency of the surface relationship between stem and affix. There was clear evidence for morphological decomposition of semantically transparent forms. This was independent of phonological transparency, suggesting that morphemic representations are phonologically abstract. Semantically opaque forms, in contrast, behave like monomorphemic words. Overall, suffixed and prefixed derived words and their stems prime each other through shared morphemes in the lexical entry, except for pairs of suffixed forms, which show a cohort-based interference effect
TL;DR: Evidence for the dual nature of the language faculty is provided by describing recent results of a multidisciplinary investigation of German inflection and a linguistic model is explained in terms of the traditional view of the lexicon as a simple list of idiosyncrasies with the notion of internally structured lexical representations is replaced.
Abstract: Following much work in linguistic theory, it is hypothesized that the language faculty has a modular structure and consists of two basic components, a lexicon of (structured) entries and a computational system of combinatorial operations to form larger linguistic expressions from lexical entries. This target article provides evidence for the dual nature of the language faculty by describing recent results of a multidisciplinary investigation of German inflection. We have examined: (1) its linguistic representation, focussing on noun plurals and verb inflection (participles), (2) processes involved in the way adults produce and comprehend inflected words, (3) brain potentials generated during the processing of inflected words, and (4) the way children acquire and use inflection. It will be shown that the evidence from all these sources converges and supports the distinction between lexical entries and combinatorial operations.Our experimental results indicate that adults have access to two distinct processing routes, one accessing (irregularly) inflected entries from the mental lexicon and another involving morphological decomposition of (regularly) inflected words into stem+affix representations. These two processing routes correspond to the dual structure of the linguistic system. Results from event-related potentials confirm this linguistic distinction at the level of brain structures. In children's language, we have also found these two processes to be clearly dissociated; regular and irregular inflection are used under different circumstances, and the constraints under which children apply them are identical to those of the adult linguistic system.Our findings will be explained in terms of a linguistic model that maintains the distinction between the lexicon and the computational system but replaces the traditional view of the lexicon as a simple list of idiosyncrasies with the notion of internally structured lexical representations.
TL;DR: It is concluded that the authors do not currently have a good basis for dividing the domain of morphosyntax into morphology and syntax, and that linguists should be very careful with general claims that make crucial reference to a cross-linguistic ‘word’ notion.
Abstract: The general distinction between morphology and syntax is widely taken for granted, but it crucially depends on a cross-linguistically valid concept of �(morphosyntactic) word�. I show that there are no good criteria for defining such a concept. I examine ten criteria in some detail (potential pauses, free occurrence, mobility, uninterruptibility, non-selectivity, non-coordinatability, anaphoric islandhood, nonextractability, morphophonological idiosyncrasies, and deviations from bi-uniqueness), and I show that none of them is necessary and sufficient on its own, and no combination of them gives a definition of �word� that accords with linguists' orthographic practice. �Word� can be defined as a language-specific concept, but this is not relevant to the general question pursued here. �Word� can be defined as a fuzzy concept, but this is theoretically meaningful only if the continuum between affixes and words, or words and phrases, shows some clustering, for which there is no systematic evidence at present. Thus, I conclude that we do not currently have a good basis for dividing the domain of morphosyntax into morphology and syntax, and that linguists should be very careful with general claims that make crucial reference to a cross-linguistic �word� notion.
TL;DR: The scopal hypothesis and simplifying the lexicon, an introduction to the functional elements, and the ordering of functional items, which show global uniformity and local variability: a possible account.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: beginning the journey Part I. First Steps: 2. Introducing the problem 3. Global uniformity and local variability: a possible account Part II. The Lexical Terms: 4. First stop: introducing the lexical items 5. A brief side trip: the position of the verb stem 6. Ordering of the lexical items 7. Voice/valence 8. Summary: lexical items Part III. The Functional Items: 9. An introduction to the functional elements 10. Pronominals 11. The aspect system 12. Qualifiers and their ordering 13. On the ordering of functional items Part IV. A View of the Lexicon: 14. The scopal hypothesis and simplifying the lexicon 15. Evidence from the lexicon Part V. The End of the Journey: 16. Looking back, looking ahead Part VI. Appendices: Appendix 1. Templates and affix ordering Appendix 2. The languages Appendix 3. Summary of constraints and language differences Notes References Indexes.
TL;DR: To accommodate for these findings, models of speech production should allow word frequency to affect the acoustic realizations of lower-level units, such as individual speech sounds occurring in affixes.
Abstract: This study investigates the effects of lexical frequency on the durational reduction of morphologically complex words in spoken Dutch. The hypothesis that high-frequency words are more reduced than low-frequency words was tested by comparing the durations of affixes occurring in different carrier words. Four Dutch affixes were investigated, each occurring in a large number of words with different frequencies. The materials came from a large database of face-to-face conversations. For each word containing a target affix, one token was randomly selected for acoustic analysis. Measurements were made of the duration of the affix as a whole and the durations of the individual segments in the affix. For three of the four affixes, a higher frequency of the carrier word led to shorter realizations of the affix as a whole, individual segments in the affix, or both. Other relevant factors were the sex and age of the speaker, segmental context, and speech rate. To accommodate for these findings, models of speech production should allow word frequency to affect the acoustic realizations of lower-level units, such as individual speech sounds occurring in affixes.