Aquesta tesi tracta de les propietats relacionals de la sintaxi i la semantica de l'estructura argumental. En especial, estudio la relacio entre l'estructura argumental i la descomposicio lexica: defenso que una descomposicio minima dels elements lexics (e.g., ensellar o trencar) es necessaria si es vol donar compte de les seves estructures relacionals complexes.
Al capitol primer s'hi proposa la hipotesi teorica principal segons la qual hi ha un homomorfisme important entre la sintaxi i la semantica relacionals de l'estructura argumental. Demostro que a aquesta hipotesi se li pot donar una base teorica si i nomes si es fa la distincio langackeriana seguent: el significat es una funcio del contingut conceptual i de la construalitat semantica. En introduir aquesta distincio en el paradigma generativista, argumento que nomes la construalitat semantica es codifica de manera transparent a la sintaxi. Poso tambe especial emfasi a fer veure que la meva aproximacio a l'estudi de l'estructura argumental participa tant de la teoria sintactica de Hale i Keyser (1998, 1999a) com de la teoria semantica de Mateu (1999).
Al capitol segon s'hi analitzen les propietats relacionals de la sintaxi i la semantica dels verbs inacusatius i inergatius. Exemplifico la meva analisi de la 'inacusativitat' amb l'estudi de dos casos diferents: en primer lloc, faig una explicacio formal dels aspectes semantics relacionals que determinen la seleccio d'auxiliar en llengues com l'italia i el frances; en segon lloc, defenso que l'analisi de la construccio progressiva implica una estructura inacusativa locativa que domina l'estructura argumental que esta lexicament associada al predicat verbal.
Al capitol tercer s'hi estudien les propietats relacionals de la sintaxi i la semantica de l'anomenada 'elasticitat del significat verbal' (Rappaport Hovav i Levin 1998). Es demostra que la variacio linguistica que afecta aquest fenomen esta relacionada amb la distincio tipologica de Talmy (1985, 1991, 2000) entre llengues d'emmarcament en el satel·lit com l'angles, l'alemany o el neerlandes, i llengues d'emmarcament en el verb com el catala, l'espanyol o el frances. S'hi analitzen de manera detallada la sintaxi i la semantica relacionals de dues construccions que son tipiques de les llengues d'emmarcament en el satel·lit: les construccions de moviment que inclouen un verb de manera de moviment i un trajecte fitat, i les construccions resultatives complexes. Poso especial emfasi a demostrar per que en catala no existeixen aquestes construccions. Faig veure tambe per que en catala no existeixen determinats verbs denominals complexos ni certs casos d'alternances locatives, que son mes aviat tipics de llengues germaniques com l'alemany o el neerlandes.
Al capitol quart s'hi estudia l'anomenada 'restriccio d'objecte directe' en les construccions resultatives de l'angles. Tot i que s'ha posat en dubte aquesta restriccio (e.g., vegeu Rappaport Hovav i Levin 2001), faig veure les raons per les quals cal recuperar la validesa d'aquesta restriccio. En aquest capitol s'hi analitza tambe la sintaxi i la semantica relacionals d'una construccio idiomatica de l'angles que te un correlat molt directe amb les construccions resultatives: i.e., la "way-construction". Demostro tambe per que aquesta construccio no transgredeix la 'restriccio d'objecte directe', tot i que ho pugui semblar a primer cop d'ull.
Al capitol cinque s'hi fa un resum forca extens de les tesis mes rellevants que un hom pot extreure d'aquest treball. Aquestes tesis les exemplifico a partir de l'analisi de la sintaxi i la semantica relacionals d'un dels meus casos d'estudi preferits: el verb climb. Cal advertir que aquest capitol esta pensat per a aquell lector (cada vegada mes frequent!) que vol saber amb un cert detall de que tracta la tesi, pero que no te temps per a llegir-se-la tota.
This thesis deals with the relational syntax and semantics of argument structure. Special attention is paid to the relation between argument structure and lexical decomposition: a minimal decomposition of lexical items like to saddle or to break is argued to be necessary in order to elucidate their complex relational structures.
In chapter 1 I put forward the hypothesis that there is a strong homomorphism between the relational syntax and semantics of argument structure. This hypothesis is shown to gain theoretical support iff a fundamental distinction is drawn: meaning is a function of both non-syntactically transparent conceptual content and syntactically transparent semantic construal. Accordingly, a syntactically transparent approach to semantic composition is adopted in the present framework, which partakes in both Hale & Keysers (1998, 1999a) syntactic theory of the basic argument structure types and Mateu's (1999) semantic theory of argument structure, which assumes that certain meanings are associated to certain structures.
In chapter 2 I analyze the relational syntax and semantics of unaccusative and unergative verbs. The present analysis of unaccusativity is exemplified with two different case studies: Firstly, I provide a formal account of the relational semantic determinants of 'aux-selection' in languages like Italian and French. Secondly, I argue that the progressive construction can be analyzed as involving a locative unaccusative structure over that argument structure lexically associated to the verbal predicate.
In chapter 3 I put forward a relational syntactic and semantic account of the crosslinguistic variation involved in the so-called 'elasticity of verb meaning' (Rappaport Hovav & Levin 1998). Such a variation is argued to be related to Talmy's (1985, 1991, 2000) typological distinction between 'satellite-framed languages' and 'verb-framed languages'. In particular, I analyze two constructions that are typical of satellite-framed languages like English, Dutch or German: complex telic path of motion constructions and complex resultative constructions. I also show why these constructions are impossible in verb-framed languages like Catalan or Spanish. Moreover, I provide an explanation of why certain classes of complex denominal verbs and some cases of locative alternation are more productive in satellite-framed languages rather than in verb-framed ones.
In chapter 4 I argue my way to the conclusion that the so-called 'Direct Object Restriction' (DOR) on resultative constructions, which has been recently called into question by Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2001), must be regained. In this chapter I also put forward a relational syntactic and semantic analysis of the so-called way-construction, showing that, despite appearances, such an idiomatic construction does not violate the DOR either.
Chapter 5 provides an extensive recapitulation of some relevant theses worth being drawn from the present work. I exemplify them by providing a relational syntactic and semantic analysis of one of my favorite case studies: i.e., the verb climb.
CAVEAT: Chapter 5 is mainly intended for that reader who does not want to spend time reading a 300-pages work on lexical decomposition issues, but nonetheless wants a very detailed summary of it.

/pdf/argument-structure-relational-construal-at-the-syntax-41xpg05vew.pdf

Argument structure: relational construal at the syntax-semantics interface

In this paper, I present an exploratory study on cross-linguistic interference among Quechua-Spanish bilingual children living in a language contact situation The study focuses on convergence in the tense, aspectual and evidentiality systems of the two languages While in Quechua past tense features are strongly linked to evidentiality in the matrix of features associated with the functional category Tense, in Spanish, past tense features are linked to aspectual features The study presents evidence that supports the Functional Convergence Hypothesis according to which syntactic convergence among bilingual speakers is favored when the matrix of features associated with a functional category is partially divergent, as is the case for Tense in Spanish and Quechua The Spanish results indicate that among bilinguals past tense is associated with evidentiality features and contrast sharply with the results of the monolingual comparison group Bilingual Quechua results exhibit an incipient emergence of discourse-oriented background and foreground distinctions, similar to those found in Spanish in association with aspectual morphology

Functional Convergence in the Tense, Evidentiality and Aspectual Systems of Quechua Spanish Bilinguals.

Aspect and the syntax of noun phrases

Ser y estar: estado de la cuestión

The core properties of VP ellipsis in English and Portuguese may be captured assuming that the elliptical constituent is licensed under local c-command by a verbal element in a sentence functional head. However, the lack of VP ellipsis in most Romance languages and in German, despite the existence of verb movement to sentence functional projections in these languages, suggests that a parameter is involved. Empirical evidence indicates that this parametric variation should not be attributed to a specific functional head because the functional head occupied by the verbal licenser may vary across languages and language varieties. So we will claim that the existence vs. absence of VP ellipsis in the languages considered in this study is due to the features of the functional head that intervenes between the verbal licenser and the elliptical vP phase.

https://jpl.letras.ulisboa.pt/article/5537/galley/10965/download/

Local licensers and recovering in VP ellipsis

Sobre el aspecto en los adjetivos y en los participios

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Sobre el aspecto en los adjetivos y en los participios

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Citations

Argument structure: relational construal at the syntax-semantics interface

Functional Convergence in the Tense, Evidentiality and Aspectual Systems of Quechua Spanish Bilinguals.

Aspect and the syntax of noun phrases

Ser y estar: estado de la cuestión

Local licensers and recovering in VP ellipsis

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