Beginnings

Why do people create extra representations to help them make sense of situations, diagrams, illustrations, instructions and problems? The obvious explanation—external representations save internal memory and computation—is only part of the story. I discuss seven ways external representations enhance cognitive power: they change the cost structure of the inferential landscape; they provide a structure that can serve as a shareable object of thought; they create persistent referents; they facilitate re-representation; they are often a more natural representation of structure than mental representations; they facilitate the computation of more explicit encoding of information; they enable the construction of arbitrarily complex structure; and they lower the cost of controlling thought—they help coordinate thought. Jointly, these functions allow people to think more powerfully with external representations than without. They allow us to think the previously unthinkable.

/pdf/thinking-with-external-representations-56tw27x4p1.pdf

Thinking with external representations

Preface vii Acknowledgments xi Note to the Reader xiii INTRODUCTION: Mimesis and the History of Aesthetics 1 PART I CHAPTER ONE Representation and Reality: Plato and Mimesis 37 CHAPTER TWO Romantic Puritanism: Plato and the Psychology of Mimesis 72 CHAPTER THREE Mimesis and the Best Life: Plato's Repudiation of the Tragic 98 CHAPTER FOUR More Than Meets the Eye: Looking into Plato's Mirror 118 PART II CHAPTER FIVE Inside and Outside the Work of Art: Aristotelian Mimesis Reevaluated 151 CHAPTER SIX The Rewards of Mimesis: Pleasure, Understanding, and Emotion in Aristotle's Aesthetics 177 CHAPTER SEVEN Tragic Pity: Aristotle and Beyond 207 CHAPTER EIGHT Music and the Limits of Mimesis: Aristotle versus Philodemus 234 PART III CHAPTER NINE Truth or Delusion?The Mimeticist Legacy in Hellenistic Philosophy 263 CHAPTER TEN Images of Life: Mimesis and Literary Criticism after Aristotle 287 CHAPTER ELEVEN Renewal and Transformation: Neoplatonism and Mimesis 313 CHAPTER TWELVE An Inheritance Contested: Renaissance to Modernity 344 Bibliography 383 Index 419

The Aesthetics of Mimesis: Ancient Texts and Modern Problems

This is a pre-editing version of a paper published as: Krauss, R.M. (1998). Why do we gesture when we speak? Current Directions in Psychological Science 7, 54-59. Students of human nature traditionally have considered conversational gestures—unplanned, articulate hand movements that accompany spontaneous speech— to be a medium for conveying semantic information, the visual counterpart of words. 2 Over a century ago, Sir Francis Bacon put the relationship of gesture and language in the form of a simple analogy: \"As the tongue speaketh to the ear, so the gesture speaketh to the eye\" (Bacon, 1891). Although the extent to which gestures serve a communicative function is presently a matter of some controversy, 3 there is accumulating evidence that communication is not the only function such gestures serve. Over the past several years my colleagues and I have explored the hypothesis, casually suggested by a remarkably diverse group of writers over the past 60 years, that gestures help speakers formulate coherent speech by aiding in the retrieval of elusive words from lexical memory. How might gesturing affect lexical retrieval? Human memory employs several different formats to represent knowledge, and much of the content of prefer to call them motor gestures (simple, brief, repetitive, movements, that are coordinated with the speech prosody and bear no obvious relation to the semantic content of the accompanying speech) and what I call lexical gestures (hand movements that vary considerably in length, are nonrepetitive, complex and changing in form, and, to a naive observer at least, appear related to the semantic content of the speech they accompany). It is the latter type that is the focus of the work reported here. Conversational gestures should be distinguished from the stereotyped hand configurations and movements with specific, conventionalized meanings (e.g. the \"thumbs up\" sign) that are referred to as symbolic gestures or emblems. Such gestures often are used to substitute for speech, and clearly serve a communicative function.-3-memory is multiply encoded in more than one representational format. When a concept is activated in one format, it is assumed to activate related concepts in other formats. Our conjecture is that lexical gestures reflect spatio-dynamic features of concepts, and that they participate in lexical retrieval by a process of cross-modal priming. Evidence for a lexical function of gesture can be found in four kinds of data: (1) differences in the gestures that accompany rehearsed and spontaneous speech; (2) the temporal relation …

http://www.columbia.edu/%7Ermk7/PDF/CD.pdf

Why Do We Gesture When We Speak

In the last century, scholarly debate on ancient reading has largely revolved around the question "Did the ancient Greeks and Romans read aloud or silently?" Given the recent work of Gavrilov and Burnyeat, which has set the debate on new, seemingly firmer, footing, the question is at first glance easily answered.1 Without hesitation we can now assert that there was no cognitive difficulty when fully literate an? cient readers wished to read silently to themselves, and that the cogni? tive act of silent reading was neither extraordinary nor noticeably unusual in antiquity. This conclusion has been known to careful readers since at least 1968, when Bernard Knox demonstrated beyond reasonable doubt that the silent reading of ancient documentary texts, in? cluding letters, is accepted by ancient witnesses as an ordinary event.2 Gavrilov and Burnyeat have improved the evidential base, by refining interpretation (especially Gavrilov on Augustine), by focusing on neglected but important evidence (Burnyeat on Ptolemy), and by adding observations from cognitive psychology.3 The resulting clarity is salutary. Yet I suspect many will be dissatisfied with the terms in which the debate has been couched. I know that I am. Can we be content with a discussion framed in such a narrow?if not blinkered?fashion? In the

Toward a Sociology of Reading in Classical Antiquity

N 1942 Pasquali published a brief but important article on the way in which poets allude to their predecessors, a process which he named arte allusiva. Although this was the first work to confront the issue as an artistic phenomenon, it needs to be said that certain studies had already investigated individual instances of allusion;2 and since Pasquali, the investigation has been carried on, although not perhaps as extensively as the subject deserves.3 The focus of all these studies is Hellenistic poetry, which has been shown to demonstrate a certain type of allusion, namely, the use of a dictional oddity whose sense is to be recovered only by having recourse to the imitated passage, from which it will normally diverge in any number of ways-a practice generally referred to as oppositio in imitando, but which I shall call "correction."4 Most of the work done in this area treats the interplay between the Alexandrians, chiefly Callimachus and Apollonius, and the Homeric text, although Giangrande in particular has examined lateral activity within Alexandria; so, on a fairly simple level, where Callimachus has 'E4~iprvSq8 (H. 4.42) and Algovrle0v (Aet. 1.7), Apollonius will give us 'E4noprOEv (Arg. 4.1212) and AiloovrlvsE

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/311468.pdf

Virgil's Georgics and the Art of Reference

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References

Thinking with external representations

The Aesthetics of Mimesis: Ancient Texts and Modern Problems

Why Do We Gesture When We Speak

Toward a Sociology of Reading in Classical Antiquity

Virgil's Georgics and the Art of Reference