Abstract: In this paper we examine variations in police arrest practices. Data collected in 1977 from police encounters with suspects indicate that arrest practices reflect legal and extra-legal factors. The decision to take a suspect into custody is influenced by such features of the situation as the dispositional preferences of victims, the race and demeanor of the suspect, and the presence of bystanders. Furthermore, the seriousness of the offense increases the chances of arrest. Contrary to much existing literature, males and females are equally likely to be arrested. The relevance of these findings to theoretical models of police behavior is discussed and the implications of our analysis for studies of criminal processing in general are considered.

Abstract: Current theoretical approaches to the study of deviance and social control tend to neglect a crucial level of analysis: the specific situation within which rule breaking occurs. I analyze the nature and sources of three types of interdependence between rule enforcers and rule breakers: escalation, nonenforcement and covert facilitation. Each involves the possibility of deviance amplification and illustrates—from the labeling perspective but at a level not previously considered—the ironic insight that authorities often contribute to the deviance they set out to control. I also consider current trends and the implications of this perspective for future theory and research, arguing that social control must be seen as a cause of primary as well as secondary deviance. “[Civil politics] requires an understanding of the complexity of virtue, that no virtue stands alone, that every virtuous act costs something in terms of other virtuous acts, that virtues are intertwined with evil.” Edward Shils

Abstract: Like blacks and women, the handicapped can be viewed as a minority group that has been discriminated against; common stereotypes attributing dependency, sadness, and isolation reduce role expectations and lead to restrictions of their behaviors and opportunities. There are three levels of attitudes toward the handicapped: peer groups, professionals and the general public. Here I review attitude literature and point out problem areas including ambiguity of attitude object and of the concept of “contact,” limited respondent pool, and others. I make suggestions for tapping the multidimensionality of handicapping conditions, standardizing the concept of ”contrast,” and avoiding the stereotyping produced by labels. I emphasize the importance of contextual effects because the handicapped as a minority are subject to institutionalized patterns of behavior and definitions of the situation within the structural framework of society.

Abstract: The belief that public housing projects are a breeding ground for crime has been responsible for much opposition to public housing in the United States. There is no evidence to support this belief. Our study of Cleveland's 4,000 residential city blocks shows that proximity to public housing projects for families has a small, but statistically significant, effect on the incidence of violent crime. Yet adjacency to public housing is one of the least important predictors of violent crime once the socioeconomic and housing characteristics of the adjacent blocks are taken into account. Furthermore, blocks in the vicinity of public housing, but not adjacent to it, do not have significantly higher incidence of violent or property crimes. Our study suggests that public housing projects should be smaller and less concentrated in the center of cities.

Abstract: This study of the interpretation and handling of criminal incidents is based on nine months of participant observation in a city police detective division. Detectives' ethods for handling ordinary cases do not follow from the formal organization of the work or the character of normal supervisory practices, but rather from the bureaucratic requirements of 1) producing reports and 2) making the proper number and type of arrests. The essence of the case handling process lies in the interpretation of particular criminal incidents in terms of commonalities between the specific case and typified conceptions of routine or normal cases. The extent to which a case is investigated depends primarily on whether the incident is defined as routine or nonroutine. The case routinization procedures employed by detectives reflect their shared understandings of typical crimes, typical involved parties, and the expected behavior of different types of residents in the urban environment.

Abstract: This paper examines the structure of intercorporate unity in the United States through an analysis of interlocking directorates. Our findings suggest that the major organizing institutions within the corporate world are the largest New York commercial banks, themselves united by a small number of prominent insurance companies. These institutions lend an order to corporate affairs and maintain a loose unity among firms. Although sources of conflict remain, patterns of director interlocks emphasize the capacity for cohesion supplied by the financial sector and suggest that mechanisms for conflict resolution reside within U.S. business.

Abstract: An examination of the contemporary Islamic Movement in Egypt shows it to represent a creative alternative to institutional Islam. Alternative Islam serves to bind Egyptian youth on university campuses as Muslim brothers and sisters in one community. Its two fundamental features-egalitarianism and sexual segregation-are analyzed in the context of the cultural correlates of Infitah and the social correlates of development. Within this community a new Egyptian woman is emerging-educated, professional, nonelitist, and veiled. The veil is part of an assertive movement with a powerful message symbolizing the beginning of a synthesis between modernity and authenticity. One recent phenomenon incomprehensible to many observers of the Egyptian scene today is the visible presence of a new Egyptian woman: the young urban college student on her way to or from the university campus-carrying her books, wearing eye glasses, alone or in the chatting company of other college women, and completely "veiled"-face and body. Confused at the thought of a future "veiled" doctor, engineer or pharmacist, such observers, in particular those of the modernist tradition, do not tire of speculation. Is it identity crisis, misguided leisure, a fad, youth protest, ideological vacuum, individual psychic disturbance, life-crisis, social dislocation, or something else? They often resort to some oversimplified theory of causation and try to explain the phenomenon away. Also bewildering to many is the apparent contradiction of being modern, college-educated and career-oriented yet also being "veiled" and apparently fundamentalist and backward. There is irony here, also, if one recalls the many social and cultural obstacles confronting Egyptian feminists until Huda Sha'rawi's dramatic act of public deveiling in 1923. Many saw this as a major Egyptian feminist achievement, marking the end of veiling-until women resumed veiling after the 1973 Ramadan War (known locally as al-'Ubur, the crossing). The new Egyptian woman as yet represents a relatively small although rapidly increasing segment of women college students, and among Egyptian women; however, as a collectivity, she has a qualitatively strong, dominant presence and represents a social entity with a definite cultural message.

Abstract: By examining the analogy between deviant and respectable careers, this paper refines the concept of deviant career. Compared to respectable careers, especially occupational careers in formal organizations, deviant careers develop within an ambiguous and unstable structural context. Deviant careers do not move through established sequences of well-defined positions; career pathways do not always lead upward; career progress does not always bring increased rewards and security; and careers involve multiple, short-term involvements. The differences between deviant and respectable careers are consequential for deviants. Mobility is of uncertain direction; deviant careers feature individualized career shifts, rather than standard sequences of positions. Since deviant careers lack institutional supports, career progress requires special tactics to foster security and regularize rewards. This analysis demonstrates that deviance and respectability differ in important respects and the concept of deviant career must be used so as not to ignore these differences.

Abstract: Using urban arrest statistics of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reports, we examine whether sex differences in crime have been diminishing in the past four to five decades. Our analysis reveals that women have made large gains on men in arrests for petty property crimes, especially larceny, and smaller gains in several other types of offenses. We discuss the potential effects of changes in reporting and statistical coverage on crime trends and also report the findings on trends from alternative sources of data. We believe female arrest gains are more apparent than real. There is little evidence of convergence in sex differences in crime.

Abstract: My remarks tonight will consist of a critique of the societal reaction or labeling perspective on deviant behavior. The societal reaction school belongs almost exclusively to sociology, and I am not a sociologist. I am a political scientist. I do not want to claim great clarity about the scope and substance of my field, but I do know that it includes the study of power and the bases of power in social life; and it includes the study of the state and the uses of state force in social life. My discussion of the societal reaction school is shaped by these preoccupations. I will try to show that the arguments of the school are implicitly arguments about power and about the state, and thus about the central issues in the study of political life. But the particular understanding of the nature of power and of the nature of the state, in the world constructed by the societal reaction school, flies in the face of a good deal of human experience. In order to develop my critique, I first need to locate the ideas of the societal reaction school by retracing some of the main steps in the development of sociological thought on deviance. For a very long time and long before there were sociologists, social thinkers, usually out of an expressed concern for social order, have tried to understand why people sometimes break the rules of their society. The reason for this focus seems evident. Social order depends on the observance of rules. But inherent in the imposition of many rules is the exercise of power, the domination of some people by other people against their will, and the use of the state to enforce that domination. And inherent in the defiance of many rules is not only a threat to social order, but a challenge to the particular pattern of domination on which that social order rests. Domination and challenge, and thus conformity and deviance, are at the center of history. They are expressions of the basic dialectical movements through which societies change, or perhaps fail to change. Grand theories of state and society-because they are about the nature of social order and the nature of challenges to that order-are, however indirectly, statements about that basic dialectic. Grand theories of state and society are, in order words, also theories about the phenomena we have come to call deviance.

Abstract: In this paper I examine the transformations in the Egyptian state—specifically in the political establishment—as Egypt moves into a new stage of development characterized by economic liberalization and a westward political realignment. I examine persistence and change in the structure and distribution of power in the establishment, in elite ideology, recruitment practices and social composition, and in the patterns and cleavages of intra-elite politics. Through this examination I try to assess the relative strength and effect of forces pulling the political system toward political liberalization on the one hand, and toward conservative authoritarianism on the other. I conclude that the current regime remains an authoritarian one, but that it has taken on an increasingly conservative face and is characterized by a greater, if uninstitutionalized, pluralism limited to elite levels. It is implicit in the analysis that the open door policy cannot be fully explained without reference to these sociopolitical transformations.

Abstract: We examine the conflict between leaders and members in protest organizations and challenge Robert Michels' argument that both oligarchy and goal displacement are inevitable in such settings. An examination of protest organizations shows there is often conflict between the interests of membership, the needs of leadership and the requirements for organizational permanence. Our study of the Southern Farmers' Alliance shows that the leadership's pursuit of its own interests contributed to both the rejection of a potentially successful reform program and the demise of the organization itself.

Abstract: The argument here is that infitah is not a forcing open of a previously closed economy, but a restructuring of its economic relations. Egypt is not simply looking outside but, rather, turning northwest toward the United States and Europe. Internal evidence of this new orientation is presented and its implications explored, especially the regional and international influence of such agencies as the Consultative Group, the International Monetary Fund, and foreign banks—the latter a type of external influence also strongly affecting Egypt in the altered paths of development in the previous century. The conclusion is that in Egypt a 19th century type of specialization is developing, one emphasizing oil, the Suez Canal, and tourism as the leading sectors. These, and whatever productive enterprises are established, will be of the capital-intensive type not apt to generate many employment opportunities. Labor's share of the Gross Domestic Product will tend to fall, comprador-propertied-landed classes will reemerge and gain strength. Social disadvantages will tend to widen and may in fact invite social unrest and mounting political repression.

Abstract: The open-door policy contains both economic and cultural threats to Egypt. The economic threats are those of dependence on foreign decisions and foreign capital. The cultural threats are the loss of traditional, national values essential to selfesteem, enthusiasm and creativity.

Abstract: This paper deals with some aspects of the policy making process in Egypt in relation to the open door economic policy (ODEP), such as incrementalism, elite fragmentation, ideological symbolism and external influences. The analysis traces how economic liberalization became a policy issue in the crucial years 1970-1974. A particular emphasis is laid on the role of external factors, especially the IMF, in influencing and shaping the policy.

Abstract: Much of the sociological literature on discretionary decision making in juvenile court screening makes certain assumptions: 1) that being sent to court is a harsher sanction than being diverted from court; 2) that screening decisions necessarily involve judgments about the individual juvenile offender; and 3) that official records are a useful data source for studying the processing of cases. These background assumptions may seem plausible, but my data suggest that they are quite different from the working assumptions of intake workers in juvenile courts. At least some of the time, intake workers regard court appearance as the more lenient screening option; base their screening decisions on considerations not directly related to the individual offender; and develop records that deliberately obscure their actual case handling. Their reasoning and working assumptions are discussed in detail, with an attempt to assess what it means in empirical research when researchers' assumptions turn out to be discrepant from those made by members of the system under study.

Abstract: This paper addresses the issues of corporate control and bank power by analyzing relations between commercial banks and firms in the primary metals industry. We construct three models of corporate control: management control, single bank control, and collective bank control. We test the validity of these models for the primary metals industry by comparing (1) frequencies and distributions of bank-corporate interlocks and bank-trust department stockholdings; and (2) relationships between bank interlocks and measures of relative short-term debt and dividend payout rate. Our results support none of the models fully but lend partial support to the collective bank-control model. Two additional approaches to the study of economic powerthe resource dependence perspective and the class cohesion perspective-are then discussed and suggestions made for further research. Corporations, and the managers and stockholders that govern them, have enormous power in our society (Bell, 1973); yet our knowledge of how corporations function, and of how they cooperate and compete, is severely limited (Useem, 1979, 1980). The ability of commercial banks and bankers to influence non-financial corporations is one important area that requires more research. This paper constructs and evaluates different models of economic power, with special emphasis on the influence they attribute to banks. To this end, we examine the frequency with which firms in an important U.S. industry (primary metals) maintain interlocking directorates

Abstract: I challenge David Jacobs' support for the conflict model of the legal order, finding serious limitations in his cross-sectional test of the model. To avoid these limitations and to extend the scope of Jacobs' study, I (1) apply his model to four additional crimes against persons and property; (2) examine race as an additional dimension of social inequality; and (3) consider how levels of crime might influence imprisonment ratios, a factor Jacobs ignored. I find no support for the hypothesis that race is a significant determinant of state imprisonment practices. Nor do I find income inequality a significant factor in imprisonment for crimes against persons and property, except in the case of larceny. In "Inequality and the legal order: An ecological test of the conflict model," David Jacobs (1978) hypothesizes that "the more there are differences in economic resources and economic power, the more one can expect that the criminal codes will be administered in a way that pleases monied elites." Specifically, violators of property crimes are more likely to be punished where economic power and resources are distributed unequally. Jacobs emphasizes the importance of economic inequality because "as long as money almost automatically confers power in western society . . its unequal distribution ought to lead to outcomes preferred by the rich." He also emphasizes the punishment of property crimes because "one major guarantee of the supremacy of an economic elite is property," and it stands to reason that the authorities will "make greater efforts to insure that violators of the property codes are sanctioned" (1978:516). Jacobs examined the relationship between income inequality and state imprisonment ratios for burglary and larceny using cross-sectional data for 1960. He introduced four other variables into the analysis to control for spuriousness of the relationship between income inequality and certainty of imprisonment: (1) the percentage of residents living in large cities; (2) percent change in the population from 1950 to 1960; (3) police per capita; and (4) resource level-mean income. His analysis of 47 states revealed a significant positive relationship between income inequality and imprisonment ratios for both burglary and larceny, with income inequality being the best predictor of imprisonment. When only non-southern states were considered (n = 35), however, this pattern was altered somewhat for burglary. Jacobs argues that the non-significant findings for burglary for these states are not inconsistent with the conflict hypothesis, since "victimization data indicate that groups with less money are the most frequent victims of this crime in nonsouthern areas" (1978:521, author's emphasis). That is, "differences in economic advantage and power only predict imprisonment ratios for a crime of which a disproportionate number of victims are affluent" (1978:522).

Abstract: In this article we report the main findings of a research project at the University of Zurich on Multinational Corporations, Economic Policy and National Development in the World System. For reasons of space the focus is on cross-national empirical findings rather than on theoretical discussion. Dimensions of economic policy against multinational corporations are established and operationalized. A combination of these dimensions is the basis of a typology of economic policy. The article presents the distribution of 73 countries according to different types of economic policy for the period 1960 to 1975. Analyses of the determinants and concomitants of economic policies are reported as well as their effect on foreign capital and development. Results are presented in the context of cross-national findings of how multinational corporations affect development. These findings relate to the impact of multinational corporations on subsequent economic growth and on social inequality.

Abstract: The divisive social consequences of the open door policy, combined with dissatisfactions generated by the blocked Sadat peace initiative, produce broad if still inchoate domestic opposition to the fundamental policies of the Sadat regime. In such a changed climate the weakened welfare dimension of Free Officer rule and the coalescence of elements from a wide spectrum of opposition opinion may prove crucial in diminishing the ability of Egypt's present ruler to carry the country with him in his economic and foreign policy reorientations.

Abstract: The “careers” of the charges of obscenity formulated against Madame Bovary and Lady Chatterley are compared, in order to identify the dual aspect of the concept of natural history as it applies to the study of social problems. At a microlevel, natural history refers to the variable outcome of the negotiations which take place between the initial claimants, the relevant public agencies and the individuals accused of wrongdoing. At a macrolevel, natural history refers to the variability of the generic concepts on which the case made against a specific statement or “condition” is based. Correspondingly, the natural history of social problems requires an examination of the dialetic interaction between the generic aspects of their “careers” and the variable development of each specific instance where the reprehensible condition is evoked.

Abstract: Description and explanation of life quality have been hindered by the failure to link the aspirations and experience of individuals with the structure of the social settings they occupy. This is an ethnographic study of the structural grounding of social wellbeing, using the concept of alienation to examine the impact of the objective working environments of Mexican American cooperative farmers on their subjective life quality assessments. The findings indicate the inadequacy of the dominant focus on income as a measure of life quality. They also suggest the importance of a) identifying possible variations among working populations in the ways that group values may affect concern with workplace control, and b) exploring workers' actual perceptions of the differences between ideal goals and reasonable expectations.

Abstract: Despite nearly continuous poverty, farm workers in California during the past century organized unions and initiated strikes over control issues as well as wages. The control emphases contradicts the expectations of the dominant paradigm in labor relations, as well as Marxian perspectives which view control or qualitative issues as being concentrated among segments of the working class in advanced industrial sectors. It is proposed that the logic of the farm workers'situation in agriculture accounts for the continuity and pervasiveness of their control strikes. Because of the impermanence of wage gains alone, farm workers have had to seek control as a prerequisite to other changes in their conditions of life and work.

Abstract: The world system perspective suggests that socialist governments cannot construct truly socialist societies because they remain part of a larger capitalist world economy and must emphasize trade-oriented production for profit. Using this thesis to examine developments in Cuba since the 1959 revolution, I discuss (1) changes in the role of trade and the impact of the world economy on the structure of Cuba's domestic production; and (2) forces shaping the organization of Cuban agriculture since the revolution. Cuba is affected by global capitalist dynamics, internal class forces, and its distinctive trade relations with the Soviet bloc. I conclude that the world economy perspective enhances our understanding of developments in societies purporting to be socialist, but that the thesis itself is insufficient for a complete analysis. A world system perspective challenges widely held assumptions about development possibilities in countries that claim to be socialist. According to Wallerstein (1974, 1979), societies that nationalize ownership of resources within their territory, declare themselves socialist, and propagate socialist ideologies cannot in fact construct a socialist mode of production because they remain part of the larger capitalist world system.' He also argues that because such countries are integrated into a capitalist world economy, they are pressured to organize production to profit from market trade. Socialist and, especially, communist ideologies obfuscate the fact that regimes committed to socialist transformations remain part of a capitalist world economy. A state which collectively owns the means of production is a collective capitalist firm as long as it participates, as all states are compelled to, in the market of the capitalist world economy. This paper examines how Wallerstein's thesis helps explain certain developments in Cuban agriculture since the 1959 revolution. Efforts to expand and diversify agriculture are constrained by global economic forces and not merely, as Dumont (1970), Mesa-Lago (1978), and Ritter (1974), among others, have tended to stress, by domestic organizational inefficiencies and utopian shortsightedness. I summarize Wallerstein's argument and discuss the conditions that should prevail in Cuba were his thesis correct. Then I examine how and why the agrarian sector has been reorganized since 1959 and what effects the changes have had on the island's relations with the world economy.

Abstract: This paper examines the internal integration of the U.S. capitalist class. I compare directors of oil companies with non-oil directors on the basis of social class background, membership in social clubs and policy organizations, and participation in more than one board of directors. This comparison is interesting because of the supposed maverick nature of the oil industry. Although there are some differences between oil and non-oil directors, there is little evidence that the oil industry is not integrated into the capitalist system. I discuss the implication of my findings for theories of the unity, segmentation, and internal structure of the capitalist class.

Abstract: It is generally assumed that business derives important benefits from higher education and provides financial support in return. This presumes that business is relatively undifferentiated, and that corporate relations with universities are largely uniform. Using data on the governing boards and characteristics of 341 colleges and universities selected through a national sample, I show that what is called the “dominant stratum” of business, rather than business as a whole, has formed an enduring relationship with universities that are oriented toward education of the elite: the governing boards of these universities are disproportionately composed of members of the dominant stratum; universities with high proportions of dominant stratum trustees are more successful than others in raising financial support from corporations; and members of the dominant stratum take a direct role in obtaining corporate contributions. The findings imply that relations between business and higher education are structured less around business as a whole and more around a distinct segment of business.

Abstract: In this paper I examine the income gap between rural and urban populations in Egypt. To determine the seriousness of this problem, a central task was to consider whether the government's agricultural pricing policy was favorable or unfavorable to farmer income. I examine the nature and the amounts of subsidies given for agricultural inputs (such as fuels, technology, fertilizers and pesticides) and contrast this to the hidden or disguised taxes levied against agricultural outputs. It was found that those who make up the majority of the rural population in Egypt are taxed implicitly more than they are subsidized explicity. No other conclusion could be reached but that pricing policy, negatively biased against farmer income, has been the chief factor in the increasing rural-urban income gap over the past two decades.

Abstract: The background, general design and basic findings of a series of large-scale, government-sponsored, income maintenance experiments are described. Attention is given to the use of findings in connection with congressional debate over welfare reform. The findings have apparently fed political and ideological resistance to proposals for a national guaranteed income program for the poor. While we see the findings as bearing on the outcome of such a program, we suggest that much more important are largely unexamined systemic obstacles to a guaranteed income program.

Abstract: The purpose of this brief article is to explore the ways in which Tunisia is integrated into the international division of labor. Inasmuch as several of the other papers in this collection treat the Egyptian case, the Tunisian example will be approached partly from an Egyptian point of view. An emphasis on the similarities and differences between these two cases in the broader Arab region will lead to generalizations of wider applicability. The chief point of the comparison with Egypt here will be with the open door policy developed by President Sadat in the 1970s concurrently with the effort to establish peaceful relations with Israel; in Tunisia this corresponds to the liberal policy created under the leadership of Prime Minister Hedi Nouira beginning in 1971. Both countries have moved from a period of relative self-sufficiency and consolidation to one of increasing integration into the international division of labor.