Abstract: Much of the literature on political representation provides empirical evidence that elections successfully link the policy preferences of citizens to the policy preferences of their representatives in parliament and to public policy. However, most of these studies are based on the congruence on the left–right dimension rather than on specific issues. Using empirical data from the Netherlands we show that on specific issues elections seem to fail as an instrument to connect the policy preferences of a large part of the electorate to the policy positions of their representatives because these issues are poorly related to the left–right dimension.

Abstract: Many studies have been devoted to the way electoral institutions shape the representative process in general, and of the relation between legislators and their local constituency. Yet, the majority of these have been hardly comparative. And when they compared countries, these countries rarely differed in many aspects of the electoral system. This article takes a different perspective by looking at the effect of the electoral formula, district magnitude and ballot structure on how important the constituency is for MPs in three countries that differ on these three components of the electoral system: Belgium, France and Portugal. And the results, though they should be confirmed by analyses on more countries, provide interesting insights. In particular they show that the difference in nature between single and multi-member districts is more important for constituency-orientation than differences between multi-member districts. Second, the article shows that the effect of electoral institutions is not straight...

Abstract: Within the scholarship on substantive representation, representation is increasingly perceived in terms of ‘claiming to speak for’ the represented. Although this constructivist turn to substantive representation creates promising avenues for further research, it makes it ever more difficult to set processes of representation apart from other, more generic, forms of communication. This article seeks to redress this situation in two ways: firstly, by introducing the concept of ‘substantive claims’ as a more apt translation of substantive representation into the ‘claims-making’ paradigm; and secondly, by developing an interpretive schema which allows for identifying and analysing these substantive claims.

Abstract: Since 2007, Belgium has been confronted with an ongoing political crisis. As the two language communities in the country grow further apart, it becomes increasingly difficult to form a coalition government with an electoral system that does not provide any incentives for federal loyalty. During the lengthy coalition negotiations a caretaker government had implemented European policies, which might provide a form of economic stability, but does provoke questions about democratic legitimacy and accountability, while questions have also been voiced about the long-term stability of the Belgian political system.

Abstract: The representation of age groups is becoming an increasingly discussed topic in Swiss politics In this study, we explore inequalities in the descriptive and substantive representation of various age groups and find that despite important disparities in descriptive representation, the policy preferences of various age groups are relatively equally represented in the lower house of the Swiss parliament Our analysis thus suggests that even if it is gaining visibility, the age cleavage is not central for parliamentary representation in Switzerland

Abstract: The Swiss Peoples' Party (SVP), currently the most successful extreme right party at the electoral booth in Western Europe, has nearly doubled its vote share from 15% in 1995 to almost 30% in 2007. To understand the reasons for this vote increase, I compare the individual characteristics of the SVP voters in 1995 (such as individuals' socialisation and their self-placement on an ideological left–right scale) to those 12 years later. I find that the profile of the typical SVP voter has not changed. Both in the mid 1990s and mid 2000s, the SVP is supported by traditionally right-leaning citizens with rather low levels of education. However, what has changed is that the SVP has become more successful in mobilising its base of conservative identity-based voters.

Abstract: What comes next after high political and governmental office in contemporary Western representative democracies? The role of former leaders is a neglected issue in the study of political leadership in representative democracies. There is no fixed or predetermined role—former leaders have to work it out for themselves, and what they do depends very much on personal choices and on circumstances. In the era of the career politician, the presidentialisation of leadership and the political celebrity, and with intensified and personalised media coverage of politics and leaders, it has become more difficult for former leaders to quietly retire and fade from the scene—even if they want to, and many do not. Individual agency is only part of the picture, however. Contextual factors play a crucial role. First of all there is the importance of the immediate political situation in terms of the circumstances of the former leader's exit from office, alongside the internal party dynamics and relations with the successor-...

Abstract: ‘Representative democracy’ is the dominant form of government in the West and spreads, from the United States and Europe, to the rest of the world.1 While ‘representative democracy’ grows ‘abroad’,...

Abstract: Compulsory voting is first and foremost an institutional remedy for low electoral turnout in parliamentary elections. In this article, the effect of compulsory voting on two other dimensions of the well-being of democracy is explored, namely civic participation and political trust. Some support for the proposition that compulsory voting enhances the legitimacy of political institutions is provided; by contrast, mandatory electoral participation has a negative impact on the level of civic participation.

Abstract: Koβ, Martin, The Politics of Party Funding: State Funding to Political Parties and Party Competition in Western Europe , Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2011; 261 pp.; £56 (hbk), ISBN: 978-0-19-95...

Abstract: Following six rounds of national parliamentary elections disputed under a closed-list PR system, in 2008 Romania adopted an electoral reform. The new system is triple-layered and combines proportional representation with voting in single-member districts. Its first use reveals discrepancies between the logic of proportional representation, for which it was chosen, and the produced results. By focusing on the system's functioning mechanisms, this article highlights some of the immediate consequences. The most important are the seat allocation procedures and the impact on the dynamics of political competition both at the inter-party and intra-party levels.

Abstract: Does the diversity of party positions reflect the spread of mass opinions on migration issues? Our examination of mass and party positions as well as parties' compactness on migration issues in 14 EU member states counters previous work portraying public opinion as mostly favourable of restrictive immigration policies and political elites as being biased towards expansionist policy. We find that citizens are more moderate than parties on migration issues, while party positions strongly supporting immigration and multiculturalism are largely absent.

Abstract: When he was leader of the opposition David Cameron announced that it was his intention that one-third of ministers would be female by the end of his first term in office. By considering the ministerial selection literature and identifying the traditional variables that influence ministerial selection, as well as the comparative coalition ministerial selection literature, this article will identify how (whilst numerically possible) there are numerous intra- and inter-party obstacles which will impede Cameron in securing his objective.

Abstract: Premieres lignes : Introduction In many contemporary democracies, how the political system works is questioned. Citizens are showing growing dissatisfaction in their institutions, and trust in their representatives and in political parties is declining (Dalton 2004). The recent financial and economic crisis has even led to some political scientists to wonder whether our system of government is still able to maintain the link with citizens (Mair 2009). And the debate has not been limited to political and social sciences. Within society, but also within political institutions, there have been many discussions for several years on how to restore citizens' trust in democracy. Interestingly, on many occasions, it has appeared that among the solutions proposed, institutions have been very central. And among institutional cures proposed, changes in electoral institutions have been often put to the forefront. One recent example is the UK referendum on alternative vote (AV) in 2011. Though it was probably not the main motivation of this proposal, how this new electoral system would change British democracy, and would potentially re-engage

Abstract: Governability, intended as effectiveness in decision-making, has been a key concept in the social sciences since the late 1970s. In contrast to political representation, governability is often conceived as the standard for evaluating electoral systems. The aim of this paper is (1) to analyse Italian electoral debates from a historical perspective in order (2) to assess critically the relationship between governability and representation in the current electoral system.

Abstract: Recent debates within the gender and politics field have reflected a shift to consider how, when, where, why and by whom the representation of women's interests occurs (Lovenduski 2008). Indeed, Celis et al. have suggested that those who seek to act on behalf of women may not necessarily be female (2008). This possibility is significant and requires both conceptual and empirical analysis. This article begins this process by adopting a case study approach to comparing the ways in which men and women MPs articulate women's interests.

Abstract: The two decades that elapsed since the end of the civil war in Lebanon (1975–90) were not always stable but did not witness a return to conflict. This article suggests that a significant factor that can help account for this outcome is the reforms introduced in Lebanon's security sector, and especially in the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), which made the LAF more representative and hence more legitimate in the eyes of members of Lebanon's various societal sectors. This case suggest that in divided societies in the aftermath of conflict, stability can be attained by enhancing the representativeness of the security sector, in addition to similar reforms in the political system.

Abstract: This article presents a new conceptualisation and measure of political representation to complement conventional approaches. Individual representation scores place the individual rather than the legislature at the centre, providing a fresh perspective on the relationship between inequality and representation. They are calculated by comparing first the position of the individual with other citizens, and second the position of the individual with the legislature. The article outlines how to make sense of individual representation scores and includes an empirical example.

Abstract: The lack of descriptive representation of Palestinians in Jordanian politics has long been the focus of scholars studying the ‘democratic deficit’ in the country. Using two case-studies, that of the quota for women in elected bodies and that of the communal rift in Jordan, this article demonstrates how representation of ideas poses greater challenges to democracy and equality in Jordan than representation as presence. Moreover, representation of ideas of ‘loyal’ constituencies replaced the under-representation of ‘opposition’ constituencies as the significant impediment to the reformist policies of the monarchy.

Abstract: This article reviews issues pertaining to representation in Kuwait with a focus on the tension between democratic representation and political exclusion. We will discuss how a democratically elected parliament had thwarted the enfranchisement of women until 2005 whereas an unelected ruling elite was the major force driving for women's political representation and participation. We will then discuss the issue of non-citizen Kuwaitis and the recent breakthrough regarding their status. Finally, we analyse the recent developments following the Arab Spring events and the ensuing power struggles between the ruling elite and its opposition in parliament and civil society over the role of the prime minister.

Abstract: This article investigates an unconventional dimension of representation: the degree of congruence between citizens’ and MPs’ values. Our main goal is to compare the values of the general public to those of the MPs through elite survey data (PARENEL) and national mass surveys. Several hypotheses deriving from the scientific literature are tested in order to examine the elite–public linkage. Our results confirm other findings: MPs are more polarised than their voters, they are more open-minded and do not replicate their voters’ values whatever the electoral system at stake.

Abstract: There has been an increasing concern in contemporary democracies about political equality and descriptive representation. But to what extent do MPs consider legitimate the selection of candidates according to their social background? Drawing on the PARENEL project data, our results indicate that age and gender are the two most legitimate criteria from the MPs' normative view. Yet there are significant differences among countries and political parties. In particular, left-wing MPs are more prone to support the selection of prospective MPs based on principles of social equality, whereas Belgian MPs display higher levels of consensus towards descriptive type of recruitment.

Abstract: Activists in post-Saddam Iraq (2003–10) were in the process of forging a new discourse They rejected what Dahlerup and Freidenvall (2005) termed the ‘incremental track’ in favour of a ‘fast track’ discourse Development, of the country and/or women, was no longer accepted as a prerequisite for democratic rights Rather, activists believed that immediate measures must be taken to ensure women's inclusion for the simple reason that there can be no democracy without adequate representation of women Yet, realities in Iraq undermined this discourse; ‘representation as presence’ did not result in the subsequent ‘representation of ideas’ hoped for by these activists Moreover, the rising tide of communal politics threatened not only to sweep away past hard-won advances but to de-prioritise women's concerns—again

Abstract: The article examines two dimensions of political representation in Iraqi Kurdistan: representation as presence and substantive representation. It is argued that the high proportionality of the electoral system enables representation as presence, of women, minorities and diverse geographical, linguistic and socio-economic interests and groups. However, the electoral system challenges representation in both dimensions, insofar as it hampers the development of effective opposition. The opposition is vital to confront clientelism and corruption that undermine democracy in the region.

Abstract: The September 2011 Danish parliamentary election led to a change of government as the centre-right coalition of the previous ten years was replaced by a centre-left one headed by the leader of the Social Democrats, Helle Thorning-Schmidt. The victory was very narrow, however, and Thorning-Schmidt's own party endured its worst result for more than a century. The new government is moreover reliant on parties with very different policy agendas to pass its legislative programme.

Abstract: Over a year ago, hundreds of thousands of Middle Easterners—mostly Arabs but also Iranians and Israelis—began taking to the streets to demand a greater say in political decisions that affect their ...

Abstract: This article analyses unequal representation in the EU by using a multi-level model to examine voter–party congruence across three policy dimensions in EP elections. Taking data from the European Election Study and the Chapel Hill expert surveys, I find that congruence is weaker amongst citizens who don't vote in EP elections, who switch party preferences between national and EP elections and who have low political knowledge but find limited evidence that smaller and ideologically extreme parties are more congruent with their support base.

Abstract: In a cross-country comparison of 33 European countries, we tested whether a high degree of female representation attenuates the assumed negative impact of gender on political involvement. Our multilevel analyses show positive interactive effects of female representation: the degree to which the representation of women in a given country's national parliament was descriptively adequate was positively related to women's ratings of the importance of politics and self-reported political interest. With respect to political participation, the findings are mixed.