Abstract: In this interpretation of Xenophon's Apology of Socrates to the Jury, Professor Pangle sees the Socratic philosopher's situation and responsibility in a democratic polity as the work's central theme. He goes on to argue that Hermogenes-through whose eyes Xenophon would have us look at Socrates' defense-has a perspective on Socrates that highlights important, but otherwise obscure, aspects of Socratic Justice.

Abstract: Historically, in many parts of the world, neither the priest nor the prince has been willing to remain confined to his designated realm if dominance of the other's affairs seemed possible. A moderated form of this inclination may be seen in John Locke's advocacy of religious freedom. As Professor Kessler notes here, Locke wants to establish the secular authority's supremacy over the churches, albeit, without enabling the government to use religion in a scheme of oppression. He would limit religious freedom to forms of worship that have no destabilizing political consequences. He hoped the free churches would teach civic virtue and promote civil peace. But his theory also has the purpose of making Christianity itself more compatible with the modern state.

Abstract: Why do Americans, long supportive of political democracy, have so little industrial democracy or worker self-management? They perceive work and political situations differently, says Robert Lane. He goes on to examine numerous other considerations. There is the fact, for instance, that despite their high regard for democratic values Americans are skeptical about democratic practices. Their faith in capitalism is also an obstacle, and over time the market culture persuades workers to accept the risks and seek the benefits of the market world.

Abstract: There was once, under Moses and his successors, a kingdom of God and there will be another after the second coming of Christ. But no such kingdom can exist in the present, and therefore rebellion against the sovereign, here and now, cannot be justified in its name. Going beyond this generally well-understood purpose of Hobbes's theology, Professor Schwartz argues here that the distinction between the Jewish and Christian Kingdoms of God, as Hobbes presents it, informs his discussion of a well-ordered commonwealth in Leviathan. This commonwealth avoids the defects of the Jewish kingdom-instability and confusion resulting from incorrect notions of sovereignty, liberty, and human nature-and its subjects, like those of the future Christian kingdom, are obedient to sovereign authority.

Abstract: A charismatic leader, commanding the dedicated allegiance of the great majority of his people, can make decisions as the spirit moves him, which is surely a pleasant situation in which to be. If his impact is to endure beyond his charismatic appeal or rule, he must establish institutions that translate his vision into policies sustained by appropriate structures, rules, and procedures. But institutions, by their very nature, act as systems of constraint upon the ruler's ability to do as he likes. What is he then to do? Jean Robinson examines here how Mao in China, Qadhafi in Libya, and Castro in Cuba have handled the task of institutionalizing charisma.

Abstract: It is well understood that secrecy is essential to the success of a government's intelligence gathering operations and covert intervention in the politics of another country. But even if the people at large are not to know about these operations, may their representatives in the legislature know in order that the intelligence agencies do not become an imperium in imperio? In this article Professor Johnson provides an account of the attempts of Congress to develop a legal framework for enforcing the intelligence agencies' accountability. Full accountability remains elusive. For given the absence of a consensus on the legal and moral status, or even the necessity, of covert operations abroad, Congress is not able to agree on how much accountability it should require and how best that may be ensured.

Abstract: The franking privilege is a major congressional perquisite often assumed to produce electoral benefits for incumbents. In this study Professor Cover offers a model to assess the overall electoral impact of franked mail. He finds that while the impact does benefit an incumbent, it varies as a function of voter partisanship, and that while the recognition effect of a mailing is the dominant one for incumbent and challenger partisans, improved incumbent evaluation is more important for Independents.

Abstract: In times of high unemployment it is generally assumed that those without work are in that state because they cannot find work. There is, however, evidence that even during such times menial jobs are available but not taken. In this study of the Work Incentive (WIN) program in New York state, Lawrence Mead finds that employable recipients of welfare benefits are more likely to work if they are expected to do so. He argues that work may have to be treated as a civic duty and enforced if society wants higher employment.

Abstract: Books written for children often have the function, among others, of imparting to readers the society's dominant values. Professor Cook has examined a series of such books, winners of the prestigious Newbery Award, and found among them a striking convergence on the American value of individual self-reliance. But he argues that the implications of self-reliance must now be different because society and polity, as presented in the recent winners of the award, are no longer benevolent and reassuring.

Abstract: The idea of citizenship once referred, among other things, to the sense of commitment a person felt toward his city. More recently, the nation-state, rather than the city, has been the one to claim that commitment. Yet, in many a state, citizens in substantial numbers are unwilling to give it their loyalty. Professor Schwartz asks if the experience of the city could instruct us in the essentials of citizenship. Taking her inquiry through the relevant writings of Marx and Weber, she proposes a concept of citizenship in which the citizen's relation to the polity is one of both appropriation and association, in which the polity is a public possession and fellow citizens are one's own.

Abstract: One of the dominant themes of electoral and public opinion research has been the study of abstract ideologies among the mass citizenry. Controversy continues over how to measure the existence, strength, and content of ideologies. The research to date, however, does indicate that most Americans do not have abstract and overarching ideologies to help them understand and evaluate the political process. Here we pursue two specific questions. First, what do the words liberal and conservative-the two most common terms associated with ideology-mean to citizens? Second, do the ways in which people define liberal and conservative affect their ability to vote on the basis of policy concerns?

Abstract: Despite mounting war costs and intensifying inflationary trends, and contrary to the counsel of his economic advisers, Lyndon Johnson did not seek a countercyclical tax increase in 1966. Using unpublished materials from the Johnson archives, Professor King reproduces here the sequence of recommendations and decisions to show why the fiscal policies adopted during that year looked plausible to the president. He argues that the political and institutional contexts in which Keynesian choices must be made tend to inhibit strong deflationary action under conditions of uncertainty and risk.

Abstract: The claim, made not so long ago, that ideology in Communist political systems is in decline may not be entirely correct. Examining the social composition and career patterns of ideological specialists in the German Democratic Republic, Professor Baylis finds that these functionaries enjoy relatively high status, and that ideological work, by itself, is no disqualification for advancement to the highest positions in the party.

Abstract: Professor Plotkin examines here the controversy over President Jimmy Carter's Energy Mobilization Board proposal to bring out the limits on corporate control of public policy. Focusing on the role of land use and environmental controls as elements of procedural democracy that can frustrate business objectives, he assesses the relevant pluralist, neo-pluralist, and structural theories for their ability to explain corporate power-public policy relationships in the United States.

Abstract: Scholars normally treat political action committees (PACs) as electoral phenomena, arguing that interest groups solicit and make contributions primarily to influence election outcomes.1 In this view, interest groups give money to candidates to create a stock of credits and generalized obligations on which they may subsequently draw. Moreover, exchanges between political action committees and candidates are conceived as implicit and diffuse: Specific legislative favors are not asked in return for campaign contributions.2 Other scholars, however, argue that while PAC contributions function to elect favored candidates, they also function to influence specific, pending legislation. Epstein maintains that PAC money is "interested money," and that it is linked to a legislative lobbying agenda.3 Business and labor, for example, organize political action committees to promote and protect their interests. In the pursuit of these interests, PACS use contributions not only as an electoral tactic-to elect potentially supportive candidates-but also as an instrument of lobbying-to affect incumbents' decisions on pending bills. According to this interpretation,

Abstract: In this article Fred Alford discusses what may be a rather neglected theme in Paul Feyerabend's political theory, that is, his call for the separation of state and science and its beneficial implications for genuine human freedom and spontaneity. Professor Alford takes on the enterprise of "extracting" Feyerabend's political theory from the exaggerated rhetoric in which it is wrapped and, in the process, he also hopes to identify the correct relationship between Feyerabend's epistemological and political theories.

Abstract: It is well known that Edmund Burke did not think much of theorizing about politics. But apparently this is not a disposition he acquired as he matured in his political career. As Mr. Pagano argues here, it characterizes Burke's very first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society, itself a piece of theoretical writing but one that attacks political theory.

Abstract: Eric Voegelin challenged some of the basic assumptions of modern rationalism and contemporary empiricism. In making his arguments, he often appealed to the Greek understanding of noetic reason. In this article, Professor Wiser suggests that in many ways Voegelin's approach can also be regarded as being similar to that of the natural scientist. He argues that, if this is the case, the traditional scientific critique of political philosophy would appear to be questionable.

Abstract: If there is a normative model of government to which many American political scientists seem directly and indirectly to subscribe, it is that of "responsible parties." From E. E. Schattschneider's defense of Party Government through Seymour Martin Lipset's Party Coalitions in the 1980s we encounter the persistent assertion that democracy in modern mass society can function successfully only through responsible political parties.' Policy implementation in the United States appears more haphazard and frustrating than in parliamentary democracies where responsible political parties can require their candidates to pledge support of the parties' principles and policies and to enforce those pledges in parliament. In the United States we see much less party discipline. The minimum requirements for responsible parties seem to be that party elites endorse and then secure nomination of candidates broadly supportive of party interests, and that party activists then make concerted efforts to elect these nominees. Unlike the European practice, in America only urban party machines have even come close to fulfilling these lesser requirements. Advocates of "responsible parties" have not expressed much enthusiasm, therefore, for developments like the increased importance of mass media and direct mail, or reforms like expanded primary elections, extended civil service requirements at the local level, and accurate computerized voter registration lists, all of which have tended to weaken urban party machines in the United States. In their view, these changes have done more harm than good. Political machines have not been displaced by something better: rather they have deteriorated into irrespon-

Abstract: Black leaders in rural America have not attracted much scholarly attention, probably because in that part of the country not many blacks voted, and hardly any held elective office, until some twenty years ago. In this study of black leaders in three small Mississippi towns, which is one of only a few of its kind, Professor Morrison posits the following preconditions for effective leadership: election to public office, a socio-economic status well above that of the masses, youth and charisma, a civil rights ideology, and a purposive program for political and social action.

Abstract: The four books under review give differing accounts of the present state of the study of foreign policy behavior. None of them can be understood adequately in isolation from the history of the field to which they belong. Limitations of space, however, preclude a detailed study of the evolution of foreign policy analysis here. Nonetheless, even at risk of shallow generalization, we need some means of providing the overall context from which our authors work: an outline of the topography, as it were, against which the contours of their own contributions to the field can be judged. Although foreign policy has been analyzed for as long as states have existed, foreign policy analysis, conceived as a separate field within the discipline of international relations, is scarcely more than twenty years old. These four new books offer us a timely opportunity to investigate the state of foreign policy analysis, and to answer the critical question of how far we have come in the quest to explain foreign policy behavior. For perhaps forty years after the appearance of international rela-

Abstract: A political issue of increasing importance to organizations representing the interests of working women is comparable worth, or the idea that equal pay should be received for work of comparable value. It represents a legislative, or in some cases, an administrative response to the allegation that jobs staffed primarily by women are undervalued in the marketplace, a charge bolstered by considerable empirical evidence which indicates that female workers fare less well than male employees for positions requiring similar levels of responsibility, training, skill, and experience.' This tendency is especially pronounced when the jobs under scrutiny are sex-segregated; that is, when 70 percent of the incumbents are of the same gender. In examining the relationship between positional importance (as measured by a factor point evaluation system), job segregation, and pay under the Washington state civil service, Helen Remick concluded that existing rates of return were "separate and unequal."2 Women employees generally received about 80 percent of the salary obtained by male workers for positions with an equivalent number of points. These results are echoed in studies by labor economists which frequently report a tendency for such wage differentials to persist after controlling for individual differences in productivity-related characteristics.3 Despite the emergence of this issue as a social policy concern of some

Abstract: In this article Professor Orren examines the Seventh Amendment right to civil jury trial as an example of the contemporary abridgement of economic civil liberties. She argues not only that recent interpretations have generally weakened the protection afforded by this Amendment, but that they have altered the civil jury's function in American government.

Abstract: Certain critical theorists-notably, Brian Fay-find interpretive theory to be conservative in its effect because its focus on internal standards of rationality, informing political practice, is likely to lead participants to an acceptance of their political situation. In this article, Professor Gibbons argues that not all interpretive theory works that way. There is indeed a form of this theory, the objectivist, in which genuine sources of conservatism may be found. But, then, there is a critical form that avoids unjustified conservatism.

Abstract: Mrs. Thatcher's electoral victory in 1979 represented not only a devastating defeat for the Labour Party but signaled a fundamental ideological shift to the right in British politics. The postelection ascendancy of the left in the Labour Party led to the introduction of an electoral college for selection of the party leader and to greater control of Members of Parliament (MPs) through mandatory re-selection. These organizational reforms coincided with a further shift to the left on economic and defense policies. The formation of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) by breakaway Labour moderates was one important consequence. The even more devastating electoral defeat of the Labour Party in June 1983 concentrated its hopes on its new leader, Neil Kinnock. As a result of the party's fall from a poor 37 percent of the vote in 1979 to a mere 28 percent in 1983 (the sDP-Liberal Alliance gained 26 percent), the question of its future has become more than a popular pastime of pundits and scholars.

Abstract: Those seeking to establish the exclusionary rule as a constitutional right of the accused, rather than as a judicially created remedy, base their case on the concepts of judicial integrity and / or individual dignity. In this article, Stanley Brubaker argues that these concepts imply untenable principles and, linked to an excessive notion of judicial review, they entail an extravagance of righteousness.

Abstract: The above quip refers to Burlington, Vermont, where two months before Socialist Francois Mitterrand captured the French Presidency, Socialist Bernard Sanders was elected mayor Sanders, a professed Socialist running as an independent, defeated five-term Democratic Mayor Gordon Pauquette by a mere ten votes in March 19811 In a period of conservative political gains elsewhere across the country, this victory shocked many in the long-time Democratic city of 37,000, and attracted nationwide press attention2 Many observers saw Sanders' victory not as an endorsement of the new mayor or his progressive policies, but as a vote against his opponent, who had been accused of turning his back on traditional Democratic constituencies in favor of the city's business leaders However, the 1983 election seemed to put this theory to rest Sanders won a second term by a wide margin, polling 528 percent of the vote, compared to 307 percent for Democrat Judith Stephany and 165 percent for Republican James Gilson Any time a Socialist wins an election in the United States it is an anomaly To be sure, various Socialist parties have enjoyed periods of

Abstract: J. G. A. Pocock's methodological proposals for studying the history of political thought have received considerable attention. In this article, David Boucher examines Pocock's use of the idea of paradigms in building a theory of the linkages between language and political action. He suggests that inner contradictions in Pocock's theory weaken its conclusiveness.

Abstract: Efforts have recently been made to redirect our understanding of the concept of freedom beyond its negative and positive formulations. Professor Geise examines here some works that focus on the concept of action in discussing freedom. He argues that while they do advance our understanding to some extent, a fuller appreciation of the nature of human action would call for a more refined, but still positive, concept of freedom.