Abstract: The real estate market consistently demonstrates that many people are willing to pay a larger amount for a property located close to a park than for a house that does not offer this amenity. The hi...

Abstract: Feelings and cognitions of leisure may not only be dynamic during the course of the total outdoor recreation engagement, they may be dynamic, emergent, and multi-phasic during the on-site phase. Ex...

Abstract: Introduction Numerous studies in the field of leisure have focused on the effects of socio-economic status, race and ethnicity, age and gender on leisure involvement. Leisure researchers began investigating the relationship between socio-economic status (SES), such as the level of education, level of income and occupational status, and leisure participation in the 1950s (Stamps & Stamps, 1985). In the 1960s, as minorities became a powerful force in local and national politics, researchers began investigating the relationship between race/ethnicity and leisure involvement (Hutchison, 1988). In addition, researchers began to examine the relationship between life cycle and leisure participation in 1970s due to the increasing longevity and the sheer size of the older population (Cutler & Hendricks, 1990). Almost a decade later, starting in the early 1980s, awareness of the need to incorporate gender into leisure research began to emerge (Henderson, Bialeschki, Shaw, & Freysinger, 1996). Prior to the 1980s, many of the studies reported singular effects of socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, age, and gender on leisure. In the 1990s, however, studies that examined the combined effects of these statuses on leisure started to appear in the literature (i.e., Cutler Riddick & Stewart, 1994; Scott & Munson, 1994; Shinew, Floyd, McGuire, & Noe, 1995; Philipp, 1997; Arnold & Shinew 1998). It is notable that many of these studies employed the idea of the multiple hierarchy stratification perspective. The framework originated in the field of social gerontology to provide insight into how access to housing, health coverage, life satisfaction, and leisure resources are compromised as a result of holding a multitude of disadvantaged statuses (Markides, Liang, & Jackson, 1990). The perspective basically suggests that our everyday life is influenced by multiple social statuses, including socio-economic status, ethnicity, age, and gender. It is implied that leisure life styles are influenced by a combination of these multiple statuses. Indeed, the perspective provides a more realistic picture of leisure life styles than studies that focused solely on the impact of a single status. The perspective suggests that since elderly, minority women who have a lower socio-economic status have four disadvantageous statuses, they are likely to occupy the bottom of a multiple hierarchy stratification of outdoor recreation participation. In contrast, since middle-aged, Anglo men who have a high socio-economic status have four advantageous statuses, they might occupy the top of the hierarchy. It also suggests that the remaining groups are likely to fall somewhere in the middle because they possess both advantageous and disadvantageous statuses. Most studies that have examined the combined effects of socioeconomic status, ethnicity, age, and gender on leisure have focused on psychological aspects of leisure, including leisure preferences, leisure constraints, and leisure benefits (e.g., Shinew et al., 1995; Philipp, 1997; Arnold & Shinew 1998). Almost no research has explored the combined effects of these statuses on the behavioral aspects of leisure, such as the level of outdoor recreation participation and park visitation. In addition, those studies that have employed the multiple hierarchy stratification perspective have combined the effects of just two variables instead of the original four (i.e., socio-economic status, ethnicity, age, and gender). The purpose of this study is to examine the combined effects of socioeconomic status, race/ethnicity, age and gender on outdoor recreation participation employing the multiple hierarchy stratification perspective. We will begin by reviewing the literature related to socio-economic status, ethnicity, aging, and gender effects on leisure participation. Then, in order to examine the combined effects of these four factors on outdoor recreation behavior, the idea of the multiple hierarchy perspective will be explained in detail. …

Abstract: On-site, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 51 groups of campers in Mt. Jefferson Wilderness to understand their perception and evaluation of impacts to vegetation, soil, and trees. At ...

Abstract: Introduction During mid-adolescence, girls are considerably less fit than boys and are generally less physically active. Many are unhappy with their body image and a large number drop out of sport, never to take it up again (Australian Sports Commission, 1991; Feingold & Mazzella, 1998; Robinson & Godbey, 1993). A large South Carolina study found that adolescent girls spent significantly more time alone than boys did and that boys spent much more time in physical activity (Smith, 1997). A survey of 15 year old Australian girls in 1995 found that girls perceived many active recreational spaces (places normally associated with active pursuits) to be dominated by boys, and it was suggested that this may affect whether they participate in active recreation or not (James, 1998). When girls are absent from active recreational spaces, they must go somewhere. This article explores girls' use of their bedrooms as an alternative recreational space. It also questions whether a girl's decision to recreate in her bedroom is a real choice. For some it may be an act of resistance against societal expectations, for others it may be the "line of least resistance." The initial study was conducted in 1995, to ascertain adolescent girls' attitudes to a range of public and private recreational spaces in the community, and whether these contexts affected their recreational participation (James, 1998). (Leisure and recreation are used interchangeably here to refer to freely chosen, intrinsically motivated experiences that may be active or passive.) The study surveyed 276 fifteen-year-old girls from 10 socioeconomically diverse Western Australian high schools. They were asked how they felt about 20 listed recreational spaces in schools, the community, and the home. The findings showed that girls felt most self-conscious in the active public spaces of the school basketball courts, followed by public swimming pools. Girls claimed that they would use these spaces more if boys were not around. In contrast, they felt least self-conscious in the comparatively passive space of the bedroom, a place they most chose to be in (James, 1998). We felt it was important to explore the reasons behind these findings because of the implications for physical health and long term leisure choices. The following year, the qualitative study reported here was conducted, using a subset of girls from the original study. The follow-up study explored the reasons for the attitudes of the girls, then 16 years old, towards three recreational spaces in particular: school basketball courts, public swimming pools, and their bedrooms. We found that many girls avoided active spaces such as the school basketball courts because of fear of ridicule due to their lack of athletic competence or fear of injury (James, 1999). Many girls also felt uncomfortable at public pools where the pressure to meet unrealistic ideals of body shape constrained or eliminated their participation (James, 2000). This article presents the findings regarding the bedroom, the third space chosen for further exploration. The bedroom was chosen because of assumed physical health implications of girls' strong preference for this "passive space" (predominantly associated with minimal physical activity), over more "active" recreational spaces in the community. Theoretical Considerations This study draws on works from several disciplines such as sociology, environmental psychology, and urban geography. The literature has been clustered under three themes: situational body image, physical factors, and control factors. Situational Body Image Factors The works of Goffman (1959; 1967) are useful in explaining girls' feelings about their appearance in public, which in turn may affect their desire to spend their time in the private space of their bedrooms. Goffman (1959) introduced the notion of the "presentation of self," portraying people as performers whose behavior forms a particular impression on an "audience. …

Abstract: Introduction Stress, strain, and negative responses to caregiving are well recognized as issues which can alter a caregiver's lifestyle (Aneshensel, Pearlin, Mullan, Zarit, & Whitlatch, 1995; Ory, Hoffman, Yee, Tennstedt, & Schulz, 1999; Pearlin, Aneshensel, Mullan, & Whitlatch, 1996). While leisure has been identified as a coping resource (Bedini & Bilbro, 1991; Dupuis & Pedlar, 1995; Keller & Tu, 1994; Sneegas, 1988), the extent to which caregivers change their leisure participation is not clear. The U.S. Select Committee on Aging (1987) noted that "caregivers tend to double up on their responsibilities and to cut back on their leisure time in order to fulfill all of their caregiving tasks" (p. 27). Caregivers have been reported to adjust their lives by reducing participation in, or giving up, activities/interests such as regular exercise, hobbies, free time for oneself, sex life, opportunities to socialize with friends, community involvement, vacations, and leisure time pursuits and activities (Barusch, 1988; Brattain Rogers, 1997; Sneegas, 1988). The work of Miller and Montgomery (1990) and White-Means and Chang (1994) suggests that some caregivers experience limits to their leisure participation due to caregiving while others do not. Drawing on the 1982 U.S. National Long Term Care Survey and the Informal Caregiver Survey, Miller and Montgomery (1990) found that 50% of the 1,167 spousal and adult children caregivers indicated that taking care of their older family member limited their social life or free time. White-Means and Chang (1994) analysed data from 1982-84 National Long-Term Care Channelling Evaluation Project that focused on frail older adults at risk of institutionalization and their informal caregivers. Of the 1,929 caregivers, 69% limited the time they had to spend with family due to caring for the older adult. In addition, 55% indicated that their social life and free time were limited. Overall, 74% of these caregivers experienced limits to family and/or free time. Results from a qualitative study of 16 female caregivers (Bedini & Guinan, 1996a) also suggest variations among caregivers. These researchers distinguished between four groups of caregivers in terms of their leisure participation. The repressors and resenters were unable to participate in leisure due to caregiving responsibilities, with the former group expressing no need for leisure and the latter being disappointed and displeased about being unable to participate. In contrast, consolidators and rechargers continued to participate in leisure. However, the consolidators had modified their leisure plans. The likelihood of caregivers reducing the frequency of leisure participation or completely ceasing some activities requires increased attention. There is a need to distinguish between reducing and ceasing leisure participation (Zimmer, Hickey, & Searle, 1997). It is possible that some caregivers reduce the frequency of leisure participation but do not cease specific activities. Other caregivers may cease specific activities while maintaining the frequency of participation in some activities. Still others may reduce their participation in some activities and completely cease others. The relationship among demographic characteristics, health, caregiving, and leisure participation also warrants attention (Bedini & Guinan, 1996a; Miller & Montgomery, 1990). The limited existing research suggests that female caregivers are more likely than their male counterparts to limit leisure time due to caregiving (White-Means & Chang, 1994). Miller and Montgomery (1990) found that adult daughters who had children under the age of 18 in the household were more likely to report limiting free time due to caregiving than those who did not have children in the household. The same findings did not emerge for adult sons. Having more years of education has been associated with limiting leisure time (Miller & Montgomery, 1990; White-Means & Chang, 1994) while less discretionary time was evident for employed caregivers in Moss, Lawton, Kleban, and Duhamel's (1993) research. …

Abstract: This paper explores the manner in which decisions are made in small leisure businesses and the factors that constrain the decision choices of their owners. The data for the study come from in-depth...

Abstract: David Scott and Scott Shafer's paper "Recreational Specialization: A Critical Look at the Construct" offers a timely and thoughtful synthesis of a concept that has received nearly 25 years of research attention in the leisure literature. Their review of the specialization literature reflects the maturing of a research emphasis that is moving beyond some of the implicit and explicit definitional disputes over measurement constructs experienced in any emerging research field. Their paper also asks research to move beyond the descriptive segmentation of participants within a recreational activity, and to think about processes of change in leisure participation. Their focus on change effectively reminds researchers of Bryan's (1977) original formulation of specialization as a developmental process; a model of change over time in the way people participate in leisure activities. It is easy to recognize change in our own, and others' style of participation in a leisure activity. With repeated leisure engagements, we become more capable participants, we begin to think differently about the activity and how it fits in our everyday routines, and we tend to develop an attachment to the activity and the social meanings connected to participation. The specialization construct provides an intuitively appealing model of leisure socialization to describe these developmental processes. After reviewing the specialization literature and featuring their model of progression, however, the authors conclude that "[a] lthough some people certainly progress (and some to an elite status), most probably either maintain involvement at a relatively fixed level or actually decrease their participation over time." They also argue that many leisure participants may have little or no desire to become leisure specialists. I generally agree with their conclusion, and have argued before that the specialization process may not be a linear progression (Kuentzel & McDonald, 1992). Other evidence cited by Scott and Shafer also questions the "general to particular" assumption of the specialization process. Their response to this dilemma is a call to "understand the antecedents or mechanisms underlying progress"-a sort of "leisure constraints" approach to explaining variation in the progression of participants in a leisure activity. The "mechanisms of progression" they outline are important and viable research questions for leisure researchers. Yet, in theorizing why many participants do not become specialists, they steadfastly maintain their commitment to the specialization framework. I would argue, however, that their conclusion raises difficult questions for the specialization concept, and that some of its assumptions deserve further critical scrutiny. The reason many people do not become specialists may lie in the way specialization is conceptualized. Scott and Shafer's review suggests to me three questions about the specialization concept: 1) Is the concept theoretically too broad and too analytically accommodating?, 2) Is the concept of progress valid in contemporary society?, and 3) does the specialization concept characterize a new "leisure elite" that describes a minority rather than a majority of leisure participants? Is the Specialization Concept too Broad? In trying to understand the contingencies of progress, specialization research must accommodate an expanding diversity of disciplinary questions. Scott & Shafer's review makes reference to behavioral psychology, cognitive psychology, existential philosophy, geography, gender analysis, class analysis, ethnicity, self-identity, and social networks. One could easily add to this list a variety of social science sub-disciplines that ask questions about social norms, values and attitudes, demography, life course analysis, leisure time analysis, and many others. The diversity of questions about recreation specialization that each of these social science sub-disciplines could ask may indeed be interesting and important. …

Abstract: Introduction Conventionally, marketing has been viewed as being two things (Crompton & Lamb, 1986). First, a philosophy which states that the social and economic justification for an organization's existence is the satisfaction of clientele wants. Second, the set of activities used to implement that philosophy. This contemporary understanding of marketing had been widely embraced by the business sector by the end of the 1970s. This sector's criteria for evaluating marketing actions were efficiency (the cost of service) and effectiveness (the impact on clienteles). Interest in marketing among those in public leisure services first emerged at the end of the 1970s in North America. It was stimulated primarily by the tax revolt movement which forced changes in the traditional ways in which leisure programs were financed and operated (Crompton, 1999). The efficiency and effectiveness of public service delivery became a central political issue. To address it, many leisure services administrators looked to the business sector for inspiration, were appraised of marketing's role in that context, and sought to implement marketing principles and practices in the fundamentally different operating environment of the public sector. Twenty years later, evidence suggests that these efforts have not been widely successful. A wide gap appears to exist between the principles of marketing developed in the literature and its professional practice in the field (Johnson Tew, Havitz & McCarville, 1999). Further, this implementation gap has been accompanied by, and may be partially attributable to, articulate skepticism by some scholars who challenge the appropriateness of marketing in the context of public leisure services. They argue that embracing marketing has resulted in focusing efforts on increasing revenue and improving efficiency, and that this has led to a distortion of public leisure agency objectives, abuse of the ethic of social service, and inappropriate commercialization (Dustin & Goodale, 1997; Godbey, 1991; Goodale, 1985; Schultz, McAvoy & Dustin, 1988). Proponents argue that marketing and a social service ethic are compatible and that marketing is not synonymous with commercialism (Havitz, 1988; Howard & Crompton, 1980; O'Sullivan, 1991; Torkildson, 1991). They admonish skeptics that: "The performance of a government or social service agency is measured against three criteria: equity, effectiveness and efficiency ... in prioritizing performance indicators, primary concern should be given to equity, then to effectiveness, and finally to efficiency" (Crompton & Lamb, 1986, p. 168). However, few opponents of marketing, be they academics or professionals, fully acknowledge the recognized primacy of the equity criterion advocated by marketing proponents. Although marketing has been widely recognized as a central function of business organizations, it remains controversial among public leisure service scholars and has been implemented by relatively few agencies. The controversy that persists in the public leisure services field reflects that which has been aroused in a host of other fields in which the role of marketing has been discussed, including nutrition education (Vanden Heede & Pelican, 1995); macromarketing (Monieson, 1988); public administration (Allison, 1992; Murray, 1975; Rainey, Backoff & Levine, 1976); health education and promotion (Buchanan, Reddy & Hossain, 1994; Hastings & Haywood, 1991; Leather & Hastings 1987); public management (Joyner, 1970; O'Fairchellaigh, Graham & Warburton, 1991; Walsh, 1994); public relations (Ehling, White & Grunig, 1992); nonprofit management (Capon & Mauser, 1982; Octen, 1983); and the arts (Mokwa, Dawson & Prieve 1980). The consistent and persistent controversy across a wide spectrum of fields suggests that the attempted transition from the private for-profit to the public sector has resembled efforts to force the proverbial square peg into a round hole. …

Abstract: This reply to Scott and Shafer's review extends, rather than debates, discussion of several issues they raise, since I am generally in agreement with their interpretations and conclusions. My response will deal primarily with their findings regarding specialization as a process of progression. Thus, initial discussion is about the theory's original focus as a developmental process. Observations follow on the role and implications of leisure and sports marketing as intervening in this process. Finally, specific research needs are identified that might address some of the inconsistencies in findings noted in their review. The authors conclude that "the prevailing evidence shows that while some people do progress [to more specialized stages of activity], most people probably do not." They also point out that few studies have actually tested whether or not people progress over time, and those that do reveal mixed findings. At least two issues can be posed out of the question of progression. The first is about "destination." Why do or do not people reach advanced levels of specialization? The second is more about the "travel," or motivation to get there. Do people want to go on the journey in the first place? Specialization as destination was a moot point in early development of the theory. Observations and informal interviews, initially at least, were with highly skilled and committed anglers. They had already reached, or at least come close to, their destination. Specialization as motivation, the drive to specialize, was conceived out of this same segment's retrospectives about how they got involved in the sport and the stages they went through on the way to their destination. Subsequent student investigations, largely of the popular literature, along with structured interviews of those known to be highly committed to a particular activity, supported the stages of development idea. This solidified, at least in my mind, specialization as progression and the conclusion that the process operated across almost any hobby or sport. It is not surprising, however, that most do not reach high specialization destinations. The authors' conclusions about this seem sound. Cast in terms of the travel metaphor, some people have "other places they would rather go" (other areas of life activity are more important to them). They think that the journey is boring (they found little success after their initial exposure to the activity). The trip is too expensive (they could not afford to

Abstract: Introduction The Texas Parks and Wildlife Department (TPWD) proposed major increases in the admission prices to Texas state parks. The existing regular price varied across parks, but was typically between $3 and $6 per vehicle. The differential prices among state parks reflected TPWD's policy of permitting local state park managers to set prices at their facility. Since each park was permitted to retain 35% of all revenues raised from pricing to enhance its budget, there was incentive for managers to set relatively high prices. Thus, the differential prices reflected managers' perceptions of price elasticity of demand at their facility. The new proposal was to change from $3 to $6 per vehicle to between $1 and $4 per person although children under the age of 12 would be admitted free of charge. Given that other surveys undertaken by TPWD indicated that the average number of people in a vehicle was close to four, if the shift to per person pricing was implemented it would lead to a substantial price increase for many visitors. In addition, seniors 65 and over previously had been admitted free of charge, but under the proposed new policy they would be required to pay half the regular price. The magnitude of the proposed increases led to a realization that there could be substantial visitor resistance, so before implementing them TPWD commissioned a series of three studies to evaluate likely visitor reactions. One of the goals of these studies was to ascertain if there were information strategies that could be used to ameliorate visitor resistance to the price increases. There was awareness of a body of empirical literature in the recreation field that consistently reported such strategies were likely to be effective in reducing stated resistance to price increases (Kyle, Kerstetter & Guadagnolo, 1999; McCarville, 1989; 1991; McCarville & Crompton, 1987a; 1987b; McCarville, Crompton & Sell, 1993; Reiling, Criner & Oltmanns, 1988; Schwer & Daneshvary 1997). The success of information messages in positively influencing perceptions of price increases has been primarily explained by adaptation level theory. This was first postulated by Helson (1964) and it suggests that visitors evaluate price comparatively by adapting to contextual and residual stimuli. Helson (1964) postulated that level of adaptation is the pooled effect of three classes of stimuli: (1) focal stimuli; (2) background or contextual stimuli; and (3) residual stimuli. He defined adaptation level as "a weighted product of these three classes of stimuli" (p. 58) or "a weighted geometric mean of all stimuli impinging upon the organism from without and all stimuli affecting behavior from within" (p. 59). Thus, adaptation level theory suggests that changing these stimuli may result in changing perceptions of price which, in turn, is likely to influence the manner in which people evaluate price increases. Focal stimuli are those to which visitors are exposed in state parks and that attract their attention. They include current price, quality condition, and services that are provided (McCarville & Crompton, 1987b). However, perceptions of focal stimuli are strongly influenced by contextual and residual stimuli that provide a framework within which an encoded message is evaluated. McCarville and Crompton (1987b) referred to contextual stimuli as "background variables that provide the context within which the focal stimuli are considered" (p. 224). In the context of public swimming pools, they noted that contextual cues included knowledge of pool location, of services offered, and of the magnitude of city tax dollars used to subsidize the pool's operation. Crompton and Lamb (1986) suggested that contextual cues could be changed to increase clientele groups' perceptions of value, without improving facilities or services. Information messages offer one way of doing this and the empirical literature in recreation reviewed later in the paper validates this strategy. …

Abstract: It is with satisfaction, and trepidation, that we engage in dialogue with the likes of Hobson Bryan, Walt Kuentzel, and Bonita McFarlane. Collectively, their respective works on recreational specialization have contributed much to our understanding of leisure behavior, particularly outdoor recreation behavior. Bryan's groundbreaking work on recreational specialization among anglers and fly fishermen laid a foundation for subsequent exploration of within-activity differences. His works in 1977 and 1979 spawned dozens of studies, theses and doctoral dissertations, and scholarly articles appearing in journals, conference proceedings, and books. Kuentzel's work on paddlers, hunters, and sailors has shown us that different dimensions of recreational specialization have varying degrees of association with one another and that these dimensions do not correlate with other aspects of recreational involvement in a consistent manner. Finally, McFarlane's work on birdwatchers may be the most complete study conducted to date, using the recreational specialization framework, that seeks to determine the number of participants within a given leisure social world who embody particular styles of involvement. In this brief rejoinder, we will limit our remarks primarily to what we see are opportunities for additional research that stem from our distinguished colleagues' comments. Our three reviewers agreed that leisure researchers needed to conceive specialization as a process that entails change over time. In her comments, McFarlane noted that past research on recreational specialization "has focused on quantifying the 'amount' of specialization an individual possesses." Studies, in fact, have treated recreational specialization as a condition that characterizes people's involvement at a given point in time. An argument could be made that researchers, we included, have actually measured involvement and commitment rather than specialization. Our major objective was to rethink what recreational specialization means and how we should go about studying it. We believe that specialization is a process that entails a progression in how recreationists participate in and view the activity over time. Hence, our conception of recreational specialization is based on the idea that people's involvement changes over time as reflected by a focusing of behavior, the acquisition of skills and knowledge, and the tendency to become so committed to the activity that it becomes a central life interest. While we advocated the use of longitudinal data, we agree with McFarlane that qualitative research designs, which study participants at different stages of involvement, are well suited to helping us understand the factors that facilitate and constrain specialization. In his comments, Kuentzel provided valuable insight into the different career trajectories facing leisure participants. He made the case that modernity and commercialization of leisure have created a diversity of opportunities, which may actually encourage people to sample activities rather than specialize. We agree completely with this point and wrote the article with the understanding that specialization is not a typical career course that characterizes people's involvement in leisure activities. As we noted, many individuals may choose to participate in a wide range of leisure activities at any given point during their life. Such individuals may actually scoff at performance standards and codes of ethics embraced by specialists and social world insiders. Future research needs to establish the extent to which people choose to specialize in activities. Studies may reveal that experimenting (or sampling), dabbling, and other styles of involvement better describe people's leisure in modern society than does recreational specialization. Kuentzel also noted that a multiplicity of leisure opportunities is likely to generate various participation trajectories within a given leisure social world, which means that progress is unlikely to be directed toward "an ultimate pre-established objective. …

Abstract: Introduction Within the United States, women comprise roughly 52% of the adult population (www.stats.bls.bov/opub/ted/2000/feb/wk3/artO2.htm). According to the 1998 United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, 59.8% of women over age sixteen are members of the workforce, and over 75% of women ages 25-54 are in the workforce (www.stats.bls.bov/opub/ted/2000/ feb/wk3/ art02.htm). Although progress has been made in several areas (McDonald, 2000), the statistics regarding women's progress in the workplace continue to be quite startling .... 28 million women in corporate America ... 3 female CEOs in Fortune 500 (.6%) . . .7 female CEOs in Fortune 1000 (.7%) ... less than 5% of senior managers at the level of Vice President and above are women (Thompson, 1999). Interestingly, these statistics remain despite research that suggests that women may be more capable in today's changing workplace. For example, a 1993 study by Hagberg Consulting Group in California, found that women scored higher than men on management criteria (criteria included leadership and problem solving skills) (Thompson, 1999). Shinew and Arnold (1998) found in their study of gender equity in Illinois public recreation agencies that while 54% of middle managers were female, only 11% of executive level professionals were female. Although this percentage is higher than many other industries, it is still disconcerting. Their study also uncovered a number of other areas of inequity such as promotion opportunities and perceptions of gender discrimination among women. To date, research on the issue of equity between men and women in the field of public parks and recreation has been limited. Allison (1999), Arnold and Shinew (1997), Frisby (1992), Frisby (1992), Frisby and Brown (1991), Henderson (1992), and Henderson and Bialeschki (1995) have all examined women's career issues. However, a recent national examination of equity perceptions held by female public recreation professionals was needed, and thus this study attempted to broaden earlier research and provide insight into issues of equity in the field of public parks and recreation. Further, a study that examines the impact such perceptions have on workplace behaviors and attitudes was needed. Public parks and recreation agencies are designed to serve all people; they profess to be a harbor of social equity. Social equity within organizations that serve the public involves an obligation to represent all groups within its constituency through the agency's actions. Therefore, to be socially equitable, the field needs to be representative of the population that it serves at all levels of management. Given this, the purpose of this study was to explore perceptions of workplace equity among men and women in public parks and recreation. The impact these perceptions have on workplace behaviors and attitudes was also explored. The behaviors and attitudes studied included organizational citizenship, organizational commitment, and job satisfaction. Women's Status in the Workplace As previously indicated, inequity issues are not unique to the leisure services field. Many private businesses continue to perpetuate gender inequity. Despite the fact that over 50% of entry-level accountants are female, only 13% are partners, 35% are managers, and less than 5% are senior partners. In addition, less than 20% of women hold top manager positions in the "Big 6" accounting firms (Hayes & Hollman, 1996; Hooks & Cheramy, 1994; Kretz, 1997). A committee established to examine issues that affect female accountants found that women face a number of obstacles in their quest for upward mobility (Special Committee Examines, 1997). Obstacles include a lack of societal support and approval for women in professional careers, sexist attitudes within management and among peers, prejudices and stereotypes of pregnancy as well as combining family and career, women's lack of understanding of needed career advancement elements, the absence of flexible work schedules, and perceptions that women are not serious about their careers (Special Committee Examines, 1997). …

Abstract: This paper investigates response problems encountered in a panel study of travel behavior. Though the overall response rate to the three-wave panel study was acceptable (over 60%), three types of response problems were encountered: refusal, non-response, and attrition. In a follow-up phone survey, a sample of individuals from each problem response group was questioned about their study participation and travel behavior Results indicate that those who outright refused any participation in the study were most different from panel respondents and other partial-respondents, in terms of travel behavior. This study reveals problems that leisure researchers must address to generate high participation and response in panel studies.

Abstract: The idea of leisure as resistance focuses attention on the political nature of leisure, and specifically on the potential for leisure to enhance individual empowerment and to bring about positive s...

Abstract: Little research has been done on the economic benefits of snowmobiling This study uses cluster analysis to identify different snowmobiler segments, and then uses the travel cost method to estimate

Abstract: One of the primary goals of recreation research is to understand what contributes or detracts from high-quality outdoor recreation experiences that ultimately produce satisfied recreationists (Manning, 1999). Specialization research has contributed to this goal by providing a basis to delineate subtypes of recreationists with differing goals, preferences, and behaviors. Understanding these differences has assisted recreation managers in designing a diversity of recreation opportunities aimed at meeting the specific needs of specialization subtypes. Thus, the construct has the potential to be a powerful framework in guiding recreation management but has suffered from inconsistency in its conceptualization, measurement, and understanding of the process of specialization. Scott and Shafer raise several fundamental questions of the specialization construct and provide an excellent review of the current state of recreation specialization research particularly related to specialization as a progression or developmental process. Their review definitely challenges researchers by focusing the issues and suggesting concrete areas for future research. I generally agree with their critique and my analysis only serves to reinforce many of the points they raise. There are some points that I think are fundamental to understanding specialization as a progression or developmental process. In its initial conceptualization Bryan (1977) used participant observation techniques to hypothesize the relationship between observable manifestations of the specialization process and attitudes, preferences and behaviors. One goal of this early research was to identify stages of specialization from which one could infer recreationists' attitudes and behaviors without the need for extensive survey research. Since Bryan's initial work, however, specialization research has focused on quantifying the \"amount\" of specialization an individual possesses rather than the underlying stages and processes of the phenomena. Scott and Shafer begin to address this deficiency. Before addressing the questions of how, when, and under what conditions progression occurs we must answer the question, progression on what? One issue that is fundamental to examining progression is denning the underlying dimensions of the specialization construct. While it is generally accepted that there are cognitive, affective, and behavioral dimensions to spe-

Abstract: This study explores the validity of measuring crowding norms in outdoor recreation through the use of respondent self-assessment techniques. Review of the literature on crowding norms, and the rela...

Abstract: Gambling has become, over the past decade, an important recreational activity in the United States. In 1975, Nevada was the only state that offered casino gambling, thirteen states had lotteries, and 68% of adults had gambled (Commission on the Review of the National Policy Toward Gambling, 1976). By 1997, all but two states (Hawaii and Utah) had ratified some form of commercial gambling and 86 percent of the North American adult population had participated in games of chance (National Opinion Research Center, 1999). In 1997 consumers in America were spending more than $50.9 billion gambling. More than one of every ten dollars spent on leisure activities was spent gambling, with more money being spent on gambling than was being spent on tickets to sporting events, movies, theme parks, video games, and recorded music combined (Christiansen, 1998). Gambling in College Students. The increase in the prevalence of gambling has stimulated a considerable body of research that has examined the rates and motives of pathological gambling. Unfortunately, in this literature little attention has been given to college age populations. For example, of the 120 studies analyzed in Shaffer, Hall, and Vander Bilt's (1997) comprehensive meta-analysis that examined the incidence of problem gambling, most were conducted with adult samples. Only 12% of the studies directly addressed the population of college students. It is important to study gambling in college age populations because there is evidence that college age gamblers are more likely to have problems related to gambling than adults (Frank, 1987, Lesieur, 1988). In addition, most pathological gamblers report beginning gambling during this age (Custer, 1982; Livingston, 1974). Interventions designed to deal with pathological gambling may be most effective when focused on college age populations, i.e., before pathological gambling patterns well established. Studies that have examined the incidence of pathological gambling in college students have produced a variety of prevalence estimates. For example, Lesieur, Cross, Frank, Welch, White, Rubenstein, Moseley, and Marie, (1991) gathered data from six campuses in five states including the University of Nevada, Reno (UNR). These authors found an overall pathological gambling rate of 5.5% (3.6% for students at UNR). Similarly, Oster (1992) looked at the gambling behavior of students enrolled in University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV) introductory psychology courses. Eleven percent of students in the sample fell within the "probable pathological" group. Ladouceur, Dube, and Bujold (1994) determined the prevalence of pathological gambling from three colleges in the Quebec City area of Canada. The rate of occurrence for pathological gambling was 2.8% overall, with males displaying significantly higher rates (5.7%) than females (0.6%). Although gambling creates a real problem for a minority of college age gamblers, the majority of student gamblers seem to be doing so without major problems. For example, Frank (1988) investigated underage gambling by college students on a campus located near the casinos of Atlantic City. He found that 66% of the students who had gambled were underage, and that the number remained stable over time. Students reported playing with less money than they were carrying, which suggested that most of their gambling was controlled and recreational (cf. Yuan, Yuan & Janes, 1996). Motives for Gambling. Comparing the motives of college students for gambling with their motives for other recreational activities may help us understand what attracts young adults to gambling. In addition, comparing the motives of pathological college gamblers with the motives of recreational college gamblers may help us understand why some students become pathological gamblers and other students do not. However, most research on gambling motivation has examined the causes of adult pathological gambling and only a few studies have examined motivation for recreational gambling. …

Abstract: Displacement, product shift, and rationalization are coping mechanisms that can be adopted in response to crowding and conflict in outdoor recreation. Using survey methods, this SNdy found relatively high levels of adoption of coping mechanisms by residents of communities in and around Acadia National Park. Maine in response to perceived increases in 1) overall recreation use levels, 2) selected recreation activities and -') selected problem behavion. While only 7.4% of respondents reported that they no longer use the carriage roads because of the changes in use that have occurred, nearly aD respondents (94%) reponed adopting one or more behavioral or cognitive coping mechanisms. Study findings suggest that coping may be pervuive in outdoor recreation, that coping includes behavioral and cognitive mechanisms, and that coping is related to perceived changes in both the amount and type of outdoor recreation. High levels of coping as found in this study may be sb'esSful at the individual level, may lead to dimini.~hed divenity of outdoor recreation opportunities at the socie~ level, and suggests that overall -satiaCaction- may be a superficial and even misleading measure of quality in outdoor re:creation.

Abstract: The purpose of this paper was threefold: 1) to describe past methodological approaches to the study of leisure constraints and evaluate the impact of these approaches on theoretical development, 2)...

Abstract: With an increasing competition for attracting golfers to individual sites, it is becoming more important for managers to identify the variables which attract and retain their golfing clientele. The...

Abstract: Introduction As a new century begins, attention to affect and emotion has been recognized as an essential aspect of any study of humankind (Lewis & Haviland-- Jones, 2000). In the social sciences ever more books and articles address the issue, and this growing interest has spread to the field of leisure. For example, searching the Journal of Leisure Research archives on the Internet reveals that in the period from 1970 to 1979 only four articles were published with "affect" as a key word. From 1980 to 1989 eight were published. However, between 1990 and 1999 the figure was 19. Similarly, combining the keywords "affect" and "leisure" in the database PsycLIT produces ten hits for the period from 1970 to 1983 but 48 hits for the period from 1994 to 2000. Following Hull (1990), who argued that moods and emotions are significant, prevalent and relevant products of leisure activities, this paper presents a theoretical framework, supported by empirical research, intended to broaden understanding of the dynamics of emotions and experiences as they develop during a recreational event. Because recreation is mainly accompanied by pleasant affect (though not always, e.g., Kelly, 1987; Tinsley & Tinsley, 1986; Weissinger, Caldwell, & Bandalos, 1992) our primary focus will be on positive affect (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). This article draws heavily on psychological theories. Thus, certain technical terms need to be explained in some detail. Besides the notion of optimal experiences, the following concepts play a central role in the presentation: (1) the Wundt curve, (2) cognitive representations, and (3) correlation matrices defined as a simplex structure. The Wundt Curve and Modes of Experience The development of a systematic understanding of optimal experiences goes back at least to Wilhelm Wundt (see for example Berlyne, 1974), who offered a general formulation of positive affects which is now known as the "Wundt curve." In the Wundt curve, as the intensity of the perceived stimulus increases, so does the extent to which the perceiver finds the perception pleasant. However, the pleasantness increases only up to a point. Thereafter pleasantness decreases again. Since Wundt's time, the inverted U curve has been assumed to apply to different kinds of independent variables relevant to pleasantness, such as arousal, novelty, uncertainty, discrepancy from adaptation level, informativeness and complexity (e.g., Teigen, 1987). For stimulus complexity, a prediction can be made about the capacity to process information: While very simple stimuli contain little information and are therefore boring, and extremely complex stimuli are so informative as to be difficult to comprehend and appreciate, an intermediate level of complexity is both comprehensible and challenging (Moles, 1966). In relating this paradigm to the domain of leisure, it is important to note that recreation events involve several sources of stimuli, rather than a single stimulus source. For example, Knopf (1987) and Williams (1988) believe there are at least three sources of stimulation or "modes" individuals attend to in the out-of-doors: the place, the activity and the social environment. In this article, we will address the place and the activity modes and how they relate to the dynamics of optimal experiences. What we propose is that a match between a recreationist's preferred mode of experience and the actual recreational event determines, to some extent, the quality of the subjective experience felt by the person during the event. The mechanism governing the matching process is mediated by cognitive representations. Representations, Goals and Plans: The Piagetian Schema With very few exceptions (notably Husserl, 1929, and Gibson, 1966), cognitive scientists believe that stimuli are not directly perceived, but rather mediated through a cognitive representation. A stimulus has no meaning unless the mind is able to integrate the stimulus into an existing cognitive structure. …

Abstract: Timestyle and Leisure Choice On a Friday afternoon Judy is at her desk, very busy, and juggling as usual several different tasks at once. As her electronic calendar beeps to let her know what she has planned for the next half hour, she double checks it with her daytimer, just to make sure the plans in both match. On and off, she also gives thought to what she should do on Saturday. She figures that it will be 1:00 p.m. by the time she completes the detailed list of weekend errands that she wrote out for herself on Thursday night. Hence, she looks forward to Saturday afternoon when she can relax and get her mind off work. She wonders whether she should call up a couple of friends and ask if they would like to go with her for a movie. On reflection, she opts against it. Instead, she decides to do what she has done on many weekends in the past: she will visit the neighborhood where she grew up for a long walk by herself. This plan appeals to her because she knows she loves reminiscing about old times. She can also get some exercise, thus accomplishing two things at once. In this opening vignette, Judy plans her time meticulously, immerses herself chronically in multiple tasks, prefers spending her spare time alone, and enjoys the nostalgic remembrance of things past. A Saturday looms on her planning horizon and she carefully allocates the available time on that day to both chores and relaxation. She then picks a particular leisure activity from a myriad of possibilities. A different person might have given no advance thought at all to what to do on Saturday and, instead, may have engaged spontaneously in a completely different activity-play tennis, visit friends, or take a nap. In this article, we argue that a person's customary manner of time perception and time use, his or her timestyle, has a pervasive influence on his or her choice of leisure activities (see also Bergadaa, 1990; Feldman & Hornik, 1981). The literature related to timestyle shows only occasional efforts at investigating relationships between different aspects of timestyle and individual behavior in a specific domain. Leisure stands out as particularly worthy of investigation, because decisions about leisure are, in fact, active decisions on how to spend or consume specific blocks of time. Leisure activities follow from the initial allocation of time to leisure (see also Corte & Ratneshwar, 2000). We sketch in this paper a conceptual framework for how people approach decisions regarding leisure time. Although grounded in the prior literature on time, our theorizing represents a significant departure from previous approaches to the problem of time use (see Hirschman, 1987 for a review). The economic approach, characterized best by Becker (1976), treats time as a fixed resource and assumes people want to maximize use of money and minimize time expenditures on all activities. A somewhat related approach is that of Feldman and Hornik (1981), whose conception of time usage means that people choose among desirable activities, and then make time and money tradeoffs. The sociological time budget approach is primarily empirical, and it concentrates on collecting and analyzing time diary data (e.g., Robinson & Godbey, 1997). Both the economic approach and the sociological time budget approach have conceptual similarities in their reliance on a fixed, objective view of time. For many other sociologists, (e.g., Marks, 1977; Lewis & Weigert, 1981) time is a social construction, a convenience that cultures agree on. However, studying time in this way does not allow study and prediction of what actual people might do, their preferences and motives for thinking about time. Psychological and experiential views of time all share a focus on time as perceived by the person. The psychological literature on time has two distinct streams of research: psychophysical research on perception of time still mainly compare this to "clock" time (e. …

Abstract: Introduction Research on the influence of setting attributes on recreational experiences has been a prominent tradition in the leisure literature. The basic goal of such research is usually an improved understanding of how recreationists perceive, behave in, and respond to recreational settings. Of the many setting attributes that have been studied, none have received as much attention from recreation researchers as use density and the frequency and nature of encounters with other groups. An important goal of the search for relationships between encounters and recreation experiences has been its implications for use limits. The growing popularity of wildland recreation has led many managers to limit use of rivers, parks, and wilderness areas. In their search for use limits that are justifiable, managers have frequently turned to social science. In the process, recreational carrying capacity and crowding have become perhaps the most studied topics in outdoor recreation research. While there is general agreement that this research has improved our understanding of the complex relationship between use density and the quality of recreation experiences, there are divergent opinions about the extent to which this research has improved management decisions about use limits. Shelby and Heberlein (1986), for example, have championed the ability of science to provide an empirical basis for carrying capacity decisions. Burch (1981, 1984) and Becker, Jubenville and Burnett (1984), in contrast, consider the interpretations of many carrying capacity studies to be ir-responsible and dishonest, having "more to do with coinciding lines of ideology held by the manager and the researcher than by the empirical data" (Burch, 1981, p. 227). In his seminal, conceptual discussion of recreation carrying capacity, Wagar (1964) asserted two axioms (1) that the goal of management is to provide opportunities for high quality recreation experiences and (2) that quality depends on how well recreation opportunities satisfy the needs that motivate people to engage in recreation activities. He hypothesized that as the number of people increases, the ability of a recreation area to satisfy some (but not all) recreational motivations will decline, with solitude being the motivation most sensitive to increased use. He concluded that use limits are appropriate when recreationists prefer "less recreation" (the cost of use limits) to "the reduction in quality that would accompany. . . . increased crowding" (the cost of not implementing use limits). From this perspective, use limits seem justified if (1) increased use and encounters between wilderness travelers results in crowding, decrease in solitude, and reduction in the overall quality of the experience; and (2) the magnitude of reduction in overall experience quality is substantial enough to suggest that the benefits of limiting use (increased quality of experience) exceed the costs (less recreation due to restricted access). Numerous empirical studies have tested the hypothesis that use density (or encounters) is negatively correlated with experience quality (Manning, 1999, Chs. 4-5; Shelby, Vaske, & Heberlein, 1989). Since Wagar's time, three basic approaches have been taken, with differences reflecting the dependent variable selected and whether relationships are assessed under hypothetical or actual conditions. Three Approaches to Research The initial approach involved assessing, under actual conditions, the extent to which quality of the entire experience was reduced as user density or encounters increased. "Quality of the experience" is often referred to as "total satisfaction" although the concept of satisfaction may be both limiting and unnecessary (Williams, 1988). Many satisfaction scales have simply asked for an evaluation of trip quality, rather than how "satisfied" people are (Shelby & Heberlein, 1986, p. 130). As has been well-documented elsewhere (see reviews by Kuss, Graefe, & Vaske 1990; Manning, 1999), the effect of density and encounters on overall experience quality is generally weak to nonexistent. …

Abstract: Introduction Perceived Constraints to Participation Leisure constraints are "factors that inhibit people's ability to participate in leisure activities, to spend more time doing so, to take advantage of leisure services or to achieve a desired level of satisfaction" (Jackson, 1988, p. 203), and the evolution of this line of research is well documented (Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991; Godbey, 1985; Goodale & Witt, 1989; Jackson, 1988; Jackson & Scott, 1999; McGuire, O'Leary, Yeh, & Dottavio, 1989; Samdahl & Jekubovich, 1997; Searle & Jackson, 1985). Efforts have been primarily directed at empirically identifying and analyzing constraints to leisure engagement and goal attainment. Specifically, researchers have identified barriers (Buchanan & Allen, 1985; Jackson & Searle, 1985), examined the effect of these barriers on leisure preferences and patterns over time (Jackson, 1990; Jackson & Witt, 1994) and across activity domains (McCarville & Smale, 1993), and analyzed the effect of these barriers on leisure choices and experiences of different populations (Alexandris & Carroll, 1997a, 1997b; Hawkins, Peng, Hsieh, & Eklund, 1999; Henderson, Stalnaker, & Taylor, 1988; Henderson, Bedini, Hecht, & Schuler, 1993; Hultsman, 1992;Jackson, 1993; Jackson & Henderson, 1995; McGuire, Dottavio, & O'Leary, 1986; Shaw, 1994; Sparrow, Shinkfield, & Karnilowicz, 1993). Theoretical models also have been constructed to aid in conceptualizing the perceived constraint construct and, as a method for linking cognition and behavior, explaining variations in participation and non-participation (Jackson & Dunn, 1991; Wright & Goodale, 1991). Many of these efforts have involved classifying individuals according to their participation in a particular activity, and then looking for significant differences between these groups based on perceptions of the applicability of a series of constraints (Goodale & Witt, 1989; Wright & Goodale, 1991). Alexandria and Carroll (1997a, 1997b), in a study of constraint dimensions and their relationship to recreational sport participation, found that non-participants were significantly more constrained than participants. Specifically, highly active individuals perceived different constraints to participation than moderately and lesser active individuals. It is not surprising that both participants and nonparticipants reported a wide range of constraints, as actual participation in any activity has the potential to expose individuals to constraints. Sparrow, Shinkfield, and Karnilowicz (1993) took the position that participation in any leisure or recreation activity is inevitably constrained by factors that serve to limit both the nature and frequency of participation. An implicit assumption in the early constraints literature was the inverse relationship between constraints and participation (i.e., perceived constraints led to either non-participation or a reduction in participation). One major problem with this approach is that the complete absence of constraints does not necessarily lead to participation; rather, constraints may mediate the degree to which individuals feel they can participate in leisure activities. For example, constraints are thought to influence leisure preferences in addition to intervening between preferences and actual participation. Tsai (2000) found that constraints indirectly hindered respondents' engagement in regular active recreation by imposing a moderate inhibiting influence on respondents' interests in participation. Several other studies have challenged the assumption that reported constraints and antecedents to participation always prevent or inhibit the frequency of participation. Kay and Jackson (1991) and Shaw, Bonen and McCabe (1991) noted that an individual's belief that an activity is significant might compensate for encountered constraints. Individuals may exert effort to overcome such constraints, and subsequently succeed in maintaining their desired level of participation. …

Abstract: The leisure experience has been defined with reference to the quality of self-determination A qualitative study of a community of rockclimbers indicated that self-determination, or a person's cont