Abstract: The complex of churches dedicated to Santo Stefano in Bologna is the closest to the original of the numerous existing Romanesque copies of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. This study will attempt to clarify the architectural and functional relationship of S. Stefano with its prototype. Rebuilt in the twelfth century in a period of close contact with the Holy Land, S. Stefano bears a close resemblance to the Holy Sepulchre as restored by the Byzantines in 1048. The Bologna complex included a centrally-planned church of S. Sepolcro and a chapel of S. Croce; each contained imitations of the major relics of Jerusalem, and, like those at the Holy Sepulchre complex, the two buildings were joined by an open, colonnaded court. Elsewhere in Bologna, there were copies of the Mount of Olives and the Church of the Ascension, as well as a Valley of Josephat, Pool of Siloam, and Field of Aceldama. The intention, it appears, was to create a comprehensive, topographical copy not just of the Holy Sepulchre, ...

Abstract: Apart from S. Maria Antiqua, the largest single collection of early medieval wall-painting to have survived in the city of Rome may be found in the lower church of San Clemente. This paper attempts...

Abstract: Artistic contacts between the east and west Mediterranean and areas further north have been studied at the stylistic and iconographic levels. The present paper explores an additional means of documenting connections that operate in channels sometimes independent of the other two criteria. Investigation of a particular technological procedure becomes useful for art historical issues if it is specific enough to warrant a workshop-transmitted know-how for its application, and if it does not become widely enough used to be a general feature. Relief gilt decoration of the halos and background of a group of thirteenth-century icons on Cyprus, and in St. Catherine's monastery at Mount Sinai, was introduced as a cheaper substitute for embossed revetment in precious metals, the earliest examples of which survive in Georgia and then sporadically in the Byzantine sphere. Some patterns are executed free-hand, and others stamped, in both materials -- metal and gesso (pastiglia). Existence of such a decoration on some ...

Abstract: Although we like to think of the artists of the Middle Ages as wandering from worksite to worksite, it is well known that a fair amount of industrialized production and shipment of works of art took place during this time, not only of manuscripts and other portable objects such as Limoges enamels, but also of elements carved in stone.1 The study of industrialized stone production in the Middle Ages is not, however, as advanced as the study of industrialization in the precious arts, due in great part to the silence of archives throughout the Middle Ages concerning objects made of stone, always less highly regarded than goldsmithwork; research into the industrialization of stone sculpture in the twelfth century, the period with which we are concerned in this paper, suffers in addition from the paucity of documents regarding guilds and trading endemic to the period before 1200.2 While it may at first seem surprising that cumbersome objects sculpted in stone were manufactured for export during a period when transport was slow and laborious, and all the more surprising when we note that such exported sculptures are not always of great artistic value, it becomes more comprehensible if we look back to the origins of such a trade in ancient Roman times. During the years of the Empire, large quantities of stone, both carved and in roughly quarried blocks, were shipped all over the Mediterranean, either, as in the case of unsculpted blocks of colored marble or granite, because the stone itself was highly prized, or, as in the case of sarcophagi, because there were workshops of sculptors specializing in such objects.3 In Belgium and England, the countries focussed upon in this study, Tournai stone and the Purbeck marble of Dorset are known to have been exported fairly great distances in the Roman period.4 After the decline of Roman power, the industrialized production of elements in marble continued for a time in southern Europe, for example at the quarries of SaintBeat in the Pyrenees, coming to a halt only after the Arab invasions in the eighth century.5 When trading resumed after the hiatus of the late ninth and tenth centuries, stone export resumed as well, the marble workshops of Southern France turning out altar frontals and other items of church furniture which were carved before sllipment to the churches they were to decorate.6 A similar revival in the exporting of stone was taking place in Northern Europe. Since the studies of Cloquet and Soil de Moriame in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a large body of sculpted elements in the grey limestone quarried in and near Tournai has been identified in northern France, Belgium, and England, and attributed to the twelfth century.7 Like the colored marbles of antiquity, Tournai stone was desirable for its exotic appearance grey when quarried, it takes a high polish, which causes it to look like black marble; and like the manufacturers of antique sarcophagi or the marble workshops of southern France, Tournai specialized in certain types of architectural elements: colonnettes, bases and capitals; and in certain types of church furniture: fonts and tombslabs. Paul Rolland studied the problem of the distribution of elements in Tournai stone during the twelfth century.8 Deducing what he could from the few existing documents pertaining to other aspects of trade in the twelfth century, and from certain of the thirteenth century documents regarding the stone commerce which he interpreted as indications of long-established practices, Rolland proposed an outline for the Tournai stone trade during the twelfth century. The Tournai merchants, it seems, travelled for protection in a sort of caravan organized by the Tournai merchants' guild, the Charite-Saint-Christophe. It was this guild which took care of exporting the stone of Tournai as well as other merchandise produced there, such as wool and cloth. While the land routes following Roman roads to the south toward Arras and to the west toward Boulogne carried the bulk of Tournai's commerce, much was also sent north down the Scheldt River toward Ghent and the Lowlands from where some merchandise continued on into the North Sea.9 England could be reached either via the land route to Boulogne followed by a short channel crossing, or via the Scheldt and the North Sea. In England, the Charite-Saint-Christophe was affiliated with the Hanse or Flemish guild of London and followed its regulations.10 How distribution of the Tournai stone was carried out once it arrived in England is as yet unknown. Rolland also addressed himself to the problem of whether the exported elements in Tournai stone were carved before shipment or at their destination.1l It was his opinion that they were carved before transport. He supported his opinion with the following arguments: 1) the construction of the cathedral and other churches in Tournai during the twelfth century indicates the presence of a number of sculpture workshops in Tournai; 2) the presence of particular types of forms and decoration in

Abstract: Yahve signalled his presence to the ancient Jews in a storm cloud flashing with light, or by a less violent, light-filled cloud hovering over or filling the sanctuary. The Hebrew term for this phenomenon is Kabod, translated by doxa in the Septuagint, and by gloria in the Vulgate. The phenomenon reappeared at critical moments in the life of Christ and in the early church, leaving its record in the Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, and in the Letters of Paul. A survey of these appearances suggests that we may distinguish three stages in the Hebraic development of Kabod, all of which found their counterparts in the New Testament. First and most striking is the Kabod-doxa revealed to man on special occasions, as at the Giving of the Law on Mt. Sinai (Exodus 19: 16-25; Deuteronomy 4: 10-13), and at the Transfiguration, traditionally located on Mt. Tabor (Matthew 17: 1-9; Mark 9: 2-9; Luke 9: 28-36). This doxa, which is embedded in biblical narrative, may be called the historical doxa. Second is the doxa believed to be eternally present with God and seen in the visions of Isaiah (6: 1-4), Ezekiel (11: 22-23 and 43: 1-4), and of Stephen at his martyrdom (Acts 7: 55). This doxa of prophetic vision becomes, thirdly, the eschatological doxa, the doxa of the Second Coming and of the eternal state of the Messianic Kingdom at the end of time. This eschatological doxa figures prominently in the Letters of Paul, who himself had experienced, en route to Damascus, the blinding light of the historical doxa (Acts 9: 3-9 and 22: 6-11). Greco-Roman art offered no precedent to the Early Christian craftsman for the representation of the Hebraic event called Kabod. The encounter between man and God among the ancient Hebrews took an awesome form, alien to Greek and Roman experience. And yet, once the Greek Bible came to be illustrated in a Greek context, whether in manuscript or on the walls of a basilica, doxa also had to be represented, for it was centrally involved in major events. To create an image adequate to the full force and meaning of the Kabod-doxa meant that the pictorial means of Greco-Roman art had to be deployed to Hebraic ends. A cultural divide had to be crossed. This pictorial problem repeated an earlier linguistic problem which had left its mark in the semantic tension between Kabod and doxa long observed and extensively studied by scholars of the Septuagint.1 Doxa occurs 445 times in the Septuagint ( 280 in the canonical books ), where it chiefly translates Kabod (ca. 175 times ), but also stands for 24 related Hebrew terms.9 What appears strange about this use is that Kabod is a concrete term whose root meaning is "weight, heaviness", while doxa was a well-known abstract erm whose meanings in ancient literary Greek are "notion, opinion, reputation". In the Septuagint doxa is not used for its ancient Greek meanings, nor can its Septuagintal meanings be documented prior to that translation.3 There are two doxas: one ancient Greek, the other Hebraic Greek.4 It is the Hebraic doxa of the Septuagint which we encounter in the New Testament. Literary Greek, it seems, did not offer a clear and obvious equivalent for Kabod. This seems a sure sign that both the concept and the image were alien to Greek experience. Not surprising, then, that Hellenistic art did not provide a pictorial solution, ready to hand, for the representation of the biblical doxa. To grasp the problem facing the Early Christian artist with respect to doxa, we may contrast the Hebraic with the Greek or Roman encounter with the divine. Yahve, who created the cosmos with the spoken word, can interrupt the cosmos with stunning force. Greek and Roman gods derived from cosmic powers and remained bound by cosmic necessity, anangke. An encounter with these gods may be protective, informative and character-building,5 but not stunning. Venus gleamed in the fiery night of Troy's destruction in front of an aroused and distraught Aeneas, "pure per noctem in luce refulsit" (Aeneid II, 590). This was a gentle epiphany. Virgil employed her to calm Aeneas' fury at the sight of Helen cowering in the burning ruins. Contrast Yahve and Moses on Sinai when, says the writer of Deuteronomy 5: 22-24, the Lord "spoke from the midst of the fire, darkness and storm, and the mountain did burn with fire, and behold, the Lord did show us his doxa." The storm cloud sat on Sinai six days, "like a devouring fire on the mountain" (Exodus 24: 16 ) . On the seventh day Moses climbed into it, stayed forty days, and returned with the afterglow of the doxa shining on his face, and with the Ten Commandments in his hands. In each case, a cloud and flashing light; yet an essential difference separates the pagan and Hebrew accounts. Venus stood "nimbo effulgens" (Aeneid II, 615-16).

Abstract: Although \"architectural portraiture\" is understood to denote the representation of buildings artists themselves would have seen, the term applies less to church models, held for example by donors in medieval dedication pictures, than to simulations of buildings veristic enough to appear to have existed, in much the same sense that the portrayal of human physiognomy may evoke an imagined individual. Both kinds of portraiture in European art are an outgrowth of Gothic realism, a late medieval penchant that lent itself eventually to the nominalist interpretation of aspects of the visible as so many discrete signs of revealed truth. Gothic architecture has pride of place in this development, as Erwin Panofsky reminds us in his exemplary study of Netherlandish painting when introducing the topic of architectural portraiture by

Abstract: The cathedral of Chartres was not designed by three architects, or even five or six: in our sense of the word there were no architects at all-only building contractors who were led by men deeply trained in all the subtle aspects of their craft. The evidence shows that this cathedral was built by large mobile teams of masons who moved around the countryside from job to job working for as long as the money lasted. When the funds ran out they would leave the site in a body, the crews still intact under their master to find another project.

Abstract: anIdt iS the scene in the lower register, representing the Annunciation to Joachim which provides the key to understanding the page as a whole. The scene finds textual basis in sources dealing with the infancy of the Virgin, _H _ the Latin Infancy Gospels, Protoevangeliam of the monk James and the Gospel of the Pseudo-Matthew.6 The acI _ count of the conception begins with the appearance of an __ angel to Joachim to tell him of the coming birth of a daughter to his wife, Anna, who had previously been sterile. It is this scene which symbolized the conception _ of the Virgin in England from the eleventh century onward. It is singled out in the formulas of benedictions and prayers for the feast of the Conception in the English FIGURE 1. Moses, David and Solomon with God, Joachim, liturgy.7 It is also used to illustrate the conception in an London, British Librarv, ms. Cotton Nero C.IV, fol. 4. eleventh-century troper from Hereford, British Library ms. Cotton Caligula A.XIV, fol. 26v (Fig. 2), which is iconographically identical to the scene in the Psalter.8 It is significant hat this theme is elaborated upon elsewhere l

Abstract: It has long been recognized that Jan van Eyck's painting of the Madonna and the Chancellor Rolirl (Fig. 13, now in the Louvre, is far from the conventional composition in panel painting of its time.1 It was usual for a patron saint and donor to appear together in a separate panel, as on one wing of a diptych or triptych, or to one side of a centrally located image of the Christ Child and Mary. Jan van Eyck7s composition boldly shows Nicolas Rolin, the Chancellor of Burgundy under Philip the Good, kneeling directly before the Virgin and Child without the assistance of an interceding saint. On the exterior of the Beaune Last Judgment Altarpiece, Rogier van der Weyden later portrayed, in separate panels, Rolin and his wife with their saints. The conventionality of Roger's presentation in particular makes van Eyck's approach to his subject seem unusual. Again in van Eyck's own Canon van der Paele Madonna and Dresden Triptych the donor's patron saint commends the kneeling figure to the Madonna and Child. Both of these works differ from the Rolin Madonna also in setting: an ecclesiastical interior, with Mary occupying the place of the altar. The Rolin Madonna, by contrast, locates the figures in a palatial setting, which opens out through a portico to reveal in minute detail the world beyond. These three works, however, all have one small feature in common. Capitals sculpted with figures appear in the settings on both sides of the Rolin and van der Paele Madonnas and in the center and left panels of the Dresden Triptych, and in all three works one of these figurated capitals is located above the donor's head. This repeated association between donor figure and figurated capital makes me wonder whether the stories represented on these capitals might in some way refer to the circumstances of the commission or particular conditions in the donor's life. The capital above Michele Giustiniani has not yet been identified with certainty (Panofsky suggests it is a lion hunt).' Naftulin has named the subjects on the capital over Canon van der Paele: Abrahams battle with the King of Elam and the other three kings, and David and Goliath.3 Abraham's battle is not actually described in the biblical text (Genesis 143. Apparently the artist visualized the event on his own, and did not use other works of art as models.4 The capital over Rolin's head comprises another bit of seemingly free invention, beyond what is literally said in the biblical text it illustrates (Fig. 2). The most apparent liberty is taken by a single figure, whose mere presence not only simplifies but contradicts the story being told. The relief on this capital concludes a series of Old Testament scenes showing the fall and sinfulness of man, from the Expulsion of Adam and Eve and the murder of Abel to Noah's drunkenness after God had saved him from the deluge. In this last scene the ark appears on the upper left. Only Noah is visible in the ark as he either sends forth or receives the dove in his hand. Directly below is an animal that appears to be a goat, and below that Noah lies drunk while one of his sons covers his nakedness. Another son, hands outstretched, looks on, while a third son, next to him seems purposefully to look away from the event. Yet another male figure, the figure in questionX stands around the corner on the adjacent face of the capital. Both his position and pose echo those of the figure next to him; and he would seem, therefore, to be part of the Noah scene, just as the figures on both faces of the opposite capital, over Mary and the Christ Child, all belong together in the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek.5 Noah, then, would seem here to have four sons, rather than the three indicated in Genesis 9 and almost always found in other representations of the scene.6 The extra figure suggests a startling departure from the original text, which tells of a time when only four menS not five, were alive on earth. Besides this departure from biblical narrative, the very event portrayed here is rare in Flemish panel painting of this period. The Expulsion, the offerings of Cain and Abel, and the murder of Abel appear as general typological themes in other paintings by Jan van Eyck and Robert Campin.7 These subjects are also typologically treated in such popular writings as the Biblia Pauperum and the Speculum Humanae Salvationis. Although the derision of Noah by his son Ham is cited as a prophecy of the Mocking of Christ in both the Speculum and the Biblia Pauperum, the actual covering of Noah's nakedness

Abstract: kindled, and he smote the ass with a staff. And the Lord opened the mouth of the ass and she said unto Balaam, What have I done unto thee that thou hast smitten me these three times?" Balaam, the "hireling prophet," had been called by King Balak to curse the Israelites who had marched into the plains of Moab, but Balaam had also been forbidden by the Lord to curse these blessed people and had been firmly commanded to obey the Lord's will in this matter. Balaam lacked the spiritual vision to follow the Lord's injunction and failed to recognize His angel. In his ignorance, Balaam struck out at the balky ass. Only at the miracle of her speech and with the Lord's intervention did he finally see the angel and bow down to the will of the Lord. The Saulieu sculptor has interpreted the narrative artfully and with a sense for significant detail. Balaam is shown as a simple, bucolic character, bearded and wearing a hooded cloak of monastic type. He isroughly shod, but his spurs, stirrups, saddle and bridle are the accoutrements of a person of some dignity (the central strip of the animal's head stall has broken away, as has her left ear). He holds a long and impressive tau-shaped staff. Traces of the broken portion of it indicate its original length. Its diagonal course, parallel to the reins and flexed legs of the animal would have provided a touch of formal counterpoint to the upright sword held aloft by the opposing angel. The angel's form is tall and willowy. His wings fill the awkward, upper surfaces of this area of the capital and his draperies, which are pleated, grasped and blown in familiar Burgundian patterns, flutter below. Other, specifically "Autun" features are also present in the work: the beaded borders of the garments and foliage, the ornamental half-discs under the hooves of the ass and the angel's footstool. In the design of the capital, the concave abacus, the two side fleurons and the abundant conventional foliage behind the main figures are all hallmarks of a conservative mode of composition. Yet the sculptor has neatly adapted these forms to his expressive purpose. He has dispensed with volutes and has placed Balaam's head in the traditional place of the center fleuron, turning it at right angles to the body for accent and using the flare of the hood

Abstract: The illuminations of the Bury Bible have led to a general acknowledgement of Master Hugo as the gifted innovator of the main line of English Romanesque art.l Close attention has been given to the evolution of his style as it spread from the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds to St. Albans, Canterbury and Winchester in the second third of the twelfth century. Much less certain is how to account for the ways his figure style was formed. There is a common assumption of a Byzantine source for the version of the damp fold, specified as clinging curvilinear by Garrison, which Hugo is credited with having introduced to England.2 The diEculty lies in pinpointing his particular source of inspiration, for no clear evidence proves just how or where Hugo made the contact with Byzantine art seen as necessary to the formulation of his style. The purpose of this study is to suggest another approach to the elusive question of Master Hugo's artistic roots, by an exploration of the implications of his work as a sculptor for the development of his style as a manuscript illuminator. The hazards of comparing manuscripts to sculpture, the scarcity of examples from this period, the difficulties of fixing their dates and provenance, all require proceeding with extreme caution, the more so because nothing of sculpture that survives has conclusively been given to Master Hugo. First then to the documents; in the order of fullness and reliable dating, the best is the Gesta Sacristarum Monasterii Sancti Edmundi. The first entry concerning Master Hugo falls within the period 1120-1148, in the abbacy of Anselm when Ralph and Hervey were sacrists. "Double doors in the front of the church were sculpted by the hand [fingers] of Master Hugo, who in other works surpassed all others, in this magnificent work he surpassed himself." 3 A fifteenth century manuscript at Douai records that Anselm made the great western doors of the church of St. Edmund of cast bronze.4 As no other bronze doors are known in England at this time, Hugo's have been used as an argument for his artistic origins having stemmed from some other region. James saw their relation to the many doors of southern Italy, and suggested that Anselm, who was formerly with the Greek monastery of St. Saba in Rome, found Hugo in Italy and brought him to England.5 Even though Hugo is FIGURE 1. Ezekiel: Ezekiel's Vision of God, Bury Bible, ca. 1135, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, ms. 2, fol. 281v.

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to help define the place of Bourges Cathedral in the development of Gothic architecture by examining, rather than its antecedents, some of the structures that follow it. The focus is on the two standing French cathedrals which most closely resemble Bourges: Coutances and Le Mans. Their chevets are studied in relation to each other and to Bourges as a possible prototype. If the stepped section at Le Mans derives from Coutances, they both could be understood as provincial interpretations of Bourges, established at Coutances and repeated at Le Mans. Stylistic comparisons, however, prove that the Norman master of the Le Mans ambulatory was trained in the choir workshop at Bayeux, and the similarities between Le Mans and Coutances are due only to their both following the Bourges-type section and to certain shared Norman features. These similarities are not due, therefore, to a common parentage at Bourges. While Branner defined the "monumental family" of Bourges in terms of an overr...

Abstract: Among the thirty-eight historiated capitals still extant in the twelfth-century crypt of the abbey church of SaintDenis, seven depict incidents from the life of St. Benedict. Based on Book II of the Dialogi of St. Gregory the Great,l this hitherto unrecognized cycle makes a significant addition to the short list of Benedict cycles surviving in manuscripts, frescoes and sculpture dated before 1150.2 Rather than a simple narrative cycle, the Benedict scenes at SaintDenis point to a more complex program. Didactic concepts and metaphorical allusions to biblical persons and events found in Gregory's Dialogi seem to link the Benedict cycle with some of the biblical capitals in the crypt. Those familiar with the other iconographical programs associated with building campaigns sponsored by Abbot Suger of Saint-Denis in the 1130's and 1140's will not be surprised to find a complex program derived from a textual source. In the embellishment of the new structures, Suger characteristically made innovations that gave visual expression to theological ideas and themes expounded in patristic literature.3 Built on the relics of St. Denis, the first bishop of Paris and martyr of the third century A.D., the abbey church with its Carolingian nave was enlarged by Suger both to the east and west. On 1 1 June 1144, ceremonies consecrating the altars in the new crypt and choir marked the dedication of Suger's eastern extension.4 The ground plan of the crypt reflected that of the choir above with an ambulatory and seven radiating chapels. An estimated sixty-two historiated capitals embellished the blind arcades along the interior walls of the central chapel in the crypt and the adjacent north and south aisles of the ambulatory (Fig. 1 ) .5 Unfortunately the multiple attacks by man and time have taken a heavy toll on the abbey church and its ornament. The worst indignities inflicted on the crypt and its capitals date to the late eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries.6 Changes involving the capitals included the installation of new stairways; the opening of a new passage into the central area; the dismounting of many capitals; the recutting of a number of them, and the dispersal of others.7 To expand the capacity of the central chapel, which had been converted in 1683 into a \"caveau FIGURE 1. Schematic diagram of the 12-century crypt, SaintDenis, with the cllrrent location of capitals attributed to the Benedict cycle: (I) The miracle of the winnowing sieve at Agile; (2) Benedict and Romanus; Benedict in the cave at Subiaco; (3) Benedict in the oratory at Monte Cassino; (4) Benedict performing the miracle of the building stone; (5) Benedict and the young monk crushed by the falling wall; (6) Benedict and Totila, King of the Goths; (7) Benedict and Zalla the Arian with the captured farmer; (|8) Habakkuk and the angel; (9) Pentecost.

Abstract: Scholarly opinion on the quality of the architectural drawings of Villard de Honnecourt in his famous manuscript in Paris (Bib. Nat., ms. fr. 19093) varies widely.1 Yet there is general agreement hat Villard was, whatever his other deficiencies as a draftsman, most skilled at rendering drapery.9 Active between ca. 1220 and ca. 1240, Villard was a Picard artist who practiced that treatment of drapery now termed muldenfaltenstil which was widely employed in manuscript painting, metalwork, stone sculpture, and stained glass in northern France in the early thirteenth century (Figs. 1-4).3 This drapery-treatment is characterized by tightly curved loops referred to as hair-pin or pot-hook loops which by form and frequency create a rich and restless pattern regardless of the medium in which they are found. For all the published commentary on Villard's artistic style, there has been very little published analysis of his artistic technique, and most of that has been superficial.4 Most commentators imply note that he made preliminary sketches in leadpoint or in silverpoint which he sometimes later inked.5 The key word here is \"sometimes,\" because the little noted fact is that Villard left his drawings in various stages of completion from preliminary sketched outline to finished inked rendering. Analysis of these stages of building up a finished drapery rendering reveals that Villard's technique was more than a simple two-step process. This is of interest as demonstrating the working procedures of a thirteenth-century draftsman. It is of still greater interest because Villard's technique provides the key to his training, and possibly to his profession, as an artist-craftsman . Analysis of Villard's drawings is of course best made through examination of the manuscript itself, for the subtleties involved reproduce poorly in photographs, including those accompanying this article. But it is possible to follow the process by studying photographic reproductions if one keeps in mind that the contrasts between leadpoint sketches and inked reinforcements are not nearly so harsh in the original drawings as they appear to be in reproductions. To complete a drapery rendering, Villard went through a six-step process. The first was to make a light, preliminary leadpoint sketch on the parchment. This sketch could be corrected or modified by rubbing and/or redrawing until Villard obtained the result he desired.6 One of the clearest examples of this in the manuscript is the right foot of a seated king on fol. 25r (Fig. 5),7 where it is evident that Villard had considerable difficulty achieving satisfactory perspective and/or proportion in this particular detail. It is not possible to be absolutely certain, but to judge from the steps which followed, Villard apparently drew outlines or contours of entire figures before committing himself to any detailing within the areas defined by his contours. The figures on fol. 25v of the manuscript demonstrate the next several steps in Villard's drawing process (Fig. 6).8 When he had completed the leadpoint contour, he then sketched in the drapery folds and pleats lightly in leadpoint without applying any shading or shadowing. When this was achieved, he then employed a brush and a very pale red-sepia ink wash to reinforce the contour line he wished to preserve. This inking was not, however, employed within the contours to reinforce drapery details. At this point Villard apparently considered a drawing complete, for the greatest number of renderings in the manuscript are at this stage. These serve perfectly well as iconographic models if imperfectly as stylistic models. It is interesting to note that many drawings in this state have no detailing of the head or face. It is clear from examining the manuscript hat Villard was content to leave many drawings at this state of completion. What is not clear is why, or when, he elected to bring certain drawings to a more advanced or truly finished state of completion. It is likely that only when Villard decided to \"go public\" with his drawings, adding captions to certain of them and having them bound, did he then select certain figures to bring to completion. One must assume he selected those figures which he considered to be his best renderings in a technical or stylistic sense, for they are generally the most traditional iconographic subjects. Admittedly, it is this finished state which makes these drawings look 'sbetter\" to modern eyes. In any case, once he had made his decision, the subsequent steps in his draperyrendering process are clearly discernible. Fig. 6 also demonstrates the next step, which was to use a thicker, darker ink to define the contour of the figure and to isolate the main volumes within that contour from one another.9 It is important o realize that the tonal contrast between this

Abstract: Pacht and Meiss have identified much of his work and have established a tentative chronology for it.2 According to Meiss, the Master may have been in France during the last decade of the fourteenth century during which time he may have decorated three manuscripts including the Tres Belles Heures of the Duke of Berry (Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale, ms. 11060-61 ) containing the historiated initials after which he is named.3 Meiss believed that this manuscript was described in the 1402 inventory of the Duke's collection and therefore must have been completed by then. The terminus of the Master's activity in France is believed to be marked by a miniature attributed to him in a manuscript made in Bologna thought to date from 1408.4 Scholars have concluded, therefore that the Master was back in Italy by that time. Through an analysis of the composition, style and iconography of the miniatures painted by this Italian in France, Meiss observed a transition from more Italian to more French influenced elements. According to Meiss, the swarthy, greenish flesh tones gave way to more blond pigmentation, Italian iconographical details were exchanged for French, and northern features were introduced into the landscapes. As a result, Meiss proposed the following chronology:

Abstract: One of the finest monuments of Parisian thirteenth century Court Style stained glass is the choir glazing of the cathedral of Tours. Following the construction of the Sainte-Chapelle in the 1240's, the Parisian style of richly colored, historiated medallion windows spread through the provinces of France, often displacing local styles of glass painting. In Tours, the Court Style appeared during the course of construction of a new choir for the cathedral. The tracery of the triforium and clerestory windows was redesigned to imitate that of the Sainte-Chapelle, probably in the 1240's, although the Tours choir was only finished in the following decade.1 The glazing of the chancel windows was probably begun around 1255, when a Parisian stained glass atelier executed the figures of the Virgin and Child, angels and apostles in the hemicycle of the triforium, and the central three historiated windows of the clerestory: the Passion of Christ (bay HI); the Tree of Jesse and the Infancy of Christ (bay SII); and the life of St. Maurice of Agaune (bay NII). During this first glazing campaign another Parisian atelier produced the great Genesis window in the north clerestory (bay NV). The rest of the glazing was completed only in subsequent campaigns.2 Recent scholarship on the glass of Tours has tended to focus on stylistic problems. Louis Grodecki, emphasizing the exceptional quality of the Tours style, suggested a comparison to the Sainte-Chapelle Evangeliaries, although he left open the question of the exact relationship of the Tours glass to that of the Sainte-Chapelle itself.3 The Tours windows, in particular those of the first campaign, are indeed of extraordinary quality. They are only generally similar in style to the north transept rose at Notre-Dame, the only other surviving monument of Parisian glass painting of the mid-fifties. The windows of Tours are, thus, precious testimony to the variety and excellence of Parisian stained glass in the reign of St. Louis. Equally interesting and important are the iconographic problems of the Tours chancel glazing. Among the narrative windows, the Genesis is one of the most complex. The twenty-four medallions of this bay illustrate the first four chapters of the Bible, from the Creation through the Death of Cain (Fig. 1; for a list of scenes, see Appendix). The narrative is unusually rich in apocryphal and legendary material. The scene of the Fall of Adam and Eve, for instance, shows Adam refusing the fruit which Eve offers to him, a motif apparently of late antique origin which appears in the eleventh century Anglo-Saxon Junius manuscript but rarely later.4 The sequence of scenes following the Fall, in which Adam and Eve are expelled from the Garden of Eden and then clothed by God, follows the order of events in the apocryphal Vita Adae the Book of Adam and Eve-rather than that of the canonical Genesis text. The Birth of Cain or of Abel, in which Adam ministers to Eve, the Sacrifice of Cain and Abel, in which each brother stands at his own altar, and Adam, or Cain, mourning over the body of Abel are also scenes which correspond to the Vita Adae.5 The present paper will not undertake a thorough analysis of these apocryphal motifs. It will concentrate instead on two series of episodes in the window: the Labors of Adam, Eve, Cain and Abel, and the legend of the Death of Cain. Through iconographic comparisons to other closely related Genesis cycles, it is possible to reconstruct a segment of a richly illustrated model cycle which was evidently used by the cartoonist of the Tours window. Much of the legendary material in this model cycle may be traced not to ancient sources but to one more recent: the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor. Analysis of this Comestor material suggests that the hypothetical Tours model was a Parisian thirteenth-century Genesis cycle, possibly produced within the circles of Court patronage. It has few iconographic parallels in surviving contemporary French manuscript illustration, and thus its reconstruction poses intriguing problems for the study of thirteenth-century Parisian art.

Abstract: The twelfth-century stained glass from the Cathedral of Saint-Pierre of Troyes represents one of the most remarkable statements of the Early Gothic style of painting. Yet by circumstance and the vicissitudes of time, none of it remains in situ. All of the panels which survived the renovation of the cathedral between 1849 and 1866 were dispersed from Troyes. Many of these membra disjecta have migrated to this country and are now in both public and private collections. Others in European collections were reintegrated for the exhibition The Year 1200.1 In the course of preparing the catalogue of the collection of Alastair Bradley Martin, Harry Bober recognized the tour de force quality of one of the best-preserved of the Troyes panels in that collection.9 This particular fragment which depicts a miracle of Christ (Fig. 11), on loan to The Metropolitan Museum of Art since 1949, has recently been joined by a panel of a group of censing angels and numerous fragments, a gift of Ella Brummer (Fig. 5). With the knowledge of these Troyes panels and others which were previously unknown, a better picture begins to emerge of the iconographic program of Troyes and its stylistic affiliations. However, our ability to understand fully this early glass is impeded not only by the puzzle of the fragments themselvestheir identification and sequential order but also by the uncertainty of their architectural context and their relationship to the chronology of the cathedral itself. It is nearly impossible to reconcile the date of the glass, based on stylistic criteria, with the architectural history of the present structure. Stylistically, the existing panels seem to date prior to a fire of 1188 which destroyed the early eleventh-century structure built by Bishop Milon. Traditionally, the terminus a quo of the present cathedral has been based on a 1208 document in which Bishop Herveus exchanged a piece of land for the enlargement of the church that extended beyond the wall of the city, and for the expansion of the fabric. According to Robert Branner, this document is useful only to indicate that construction was in progress in 1208, and a somewhat earlier date for the beginning is likely.3 Because two altars were newly founded between 1 198 and 1202 and the cathedral chapter was enlarged by five canons during the same period, Norbert Bongartz has proposed that the beginning of the Gothic structure can be dated around 1200 under Bishop Garnerus.4 The fire of 1188 was apparently not the immediate cause of the building of a new structure, and the glass could have been part of the refurbishments made just prior to the fire. Physical evidence from the panels themselves supports the idea that they were reused; the original size of the St. Nicolas series (Victoria and Albert Museum, London, and Musee de Cluny, Paris) has been expanded by the addition of thirteenth-century borders in order to adapt the panels to the existing apertures.5 These panels and the others discussed below were incorporated into the windows of the ambulatory chapels, primarily the axial chapel. Even though it seems likely that the glass comes from the chapels of the earlier building, the possibility cannot be excluded that they come from another church in the vicinity of Troyes and were simply integrated into the thirteenth-century glazing program. Our knowledge of the overall iconographic program of the early windows resides primarily with the nineteenthcentury descriptions of A. F. Arnaud (1837), F. de Guilhermy ( 1843 ), and Charles Fichot ( 1894 ) .6 Utilizing these descriptions in conjunction with the surviving fragments, the extent of the original glazing program can be partially reconstructed. For this study, I will limit myself to the problem of the Temptation window, the Typological Crucifixion window, and the Life of the Virgin window.

Abstract: A la faveur d'une vente publique recente, la ville de Moulins vient d'acquerir une bossette de bronze ajouree et ciselee (Fig. 1 ) qui, depuis plus d'un siecle avait quitte le Bourbonnais. Le celebre amateur Robert von Hirsch avait acquis le petit objet en connaissance de cause. L'authenticite de cette petite applique n'etait pas sans soulever quelques doutes.1 Mais des textes, des dessins, des moulages, discutes ailleurs en detail, nous autorisent, malgre leurs disparates, a affirmer que la bossette au dragon cornu se trouva des la fin du XVIIIe siecle attachee a la reliure de la Bible de Souvigny.9 Neanmoins l'epreuve du laboratoire n'aurait pas paru inutile, afin de conjurer en 1980 les doutes malveillants qui agagaient deja L. d'Avout en 1846: on sait en effet que la presence caracteristique du zinc dans certains alliages du cuivre resulte du traitement pragmatique de la calamine lors des operations de fonderie.3 I1 est desormais possible d'etablir un inventaire archeologique retrospectif des ornements metalliques associes a un moment donne a la Bible de Souvigny. On voit donc se definir les phases au cours desquelles divers objets se sont, du XIIe siecle a 1980, trouves solidarises les uns aux autres ou furent au contraire detaches les uns des autres, enchevetrant les episodes de leur histoire avec celle de la Bible de Souvigny. Le Codex enlumine, compte aujourd'hui 392 feuillets assembles en quarante cahiers; il est, W. Cahn l'a demontre, la preciosissimam historiam continentem novum et vetus testamentum de la bibliotheque de l'abbaye de Souvigny en 1453, vraisemblablement donnee bien avant par un certain Bernard, sacriste de Saint-Maieul de Souvigny. I1 est susceptible d'avoir ete utilise par certains docteurs se preparant a argumenter, sinon au Concile de Bale comme l'ont negligemment note en 1717 Dom Martene et Dom Durand, du moins a celui de Constance, comme en fait foi l'inscription de son ancienne reliure.4 Sur cette reZiure n peau de truie disparue en effet, aurait ete ecrit a la main: \"Biblia magna a patribus Concilii Constanciensis consulta anno Domini 1415}}} mention sans doute restituee plutot que transcrite par les commissaires de 1795.5 Car le bibliothecaire de Moulins avait lu avant 1832: \"Biblia magna Patrib (us) cons (ulis) const (antiae)\" avec des abreviations plus conformes a FIGURE 1. Plaque a bossette ajollree, b-7, anc. coll. von Hirsch, Molllins Bib. mun., ms 1, suppl. (XV).

Abstract: The Grotto of Taq-i-Bustan is a pivotal monument for dating of Early Christian minor arts in the Near East. It is the only point of specific reference in this regard in the Near East, particularly for textiles, since much of their repertory of design motifs is found in the sculptural reliefs covering the walls of the Grotto. No monument has an earlier date. Yet even the date of the Grotto, as first given by modern scholarship, has been challenged. At the very beginning of the twentieth century, the accepted date was circa 625. In the 1930's a date as early as about 475 was proposed but never became current. Contemporary scholars prefer the seventh century date.1 By doing so, they confront confusion as to the evolution of Early Christian art and for that matter, a distorted view of Sassanian art as well. Taq-i-Bustan is located near Kermanshah not far from Hamadan, the old Parthian capital of Ecbatana, in westcentral Iran. At the foot of an enormous rock cliff that dominates the landscape for miles of its length is a violent upwelling of water, a magnificent spring. Here, three Sassanian sovereigns carved in the ro-ck-face symbols of their reigns: Ardasher II, Shapur II, and either Peroz or Kosroes II. The Grotto is unique in Persia, a country whose leaders from the time of the Achaemenid Darius created dramatic memorials on mountain sides in the living rock. The rock has been cut deeply, to make an open, threesided chamber, roofed by the natural rock cut in the form of a barrel vault.2 A shallow, rectangular recess frames the open side. This is decorated with reliefs of genii, a wreath and trees-of-life disposed symmetrically in an architectural frame. The interior walls are covered with reliefs also cut in situ. At the rear, the sculpture is almost in the full round and organized in two zones; the upper is devoted to an investiture scene and the lower to a helmeted rider and his horse. The sides have scenes of a boar and of a deer hunt, which are very elaborate. They are the richest representational compositions of Sassanian art. In the early twentieth century the spring had been dammed to make a lake in front of the Grotto and a large, private summer house was built, adjoining it. Now the whole area has been treated with a pool, a long reflecting pond, gravel walks, trees and flowers and grass. FIGURE 1. Rear wall, detai1, Grotto, Taq-i-Bllstan.

Abstract: It is a privilege as well as a pleasure to contribute a brief note to a volume honoring Harry Bober. For a generation (more than that, really, but who's counting?) Harry has set an example of intense and intelligent scholarship for all medievalists to follow. The topic of the present paper does not lie within Harry's normal range of interest-wide as that is-but it does have in our mind a personal link with Harry, and with a nearly empty hotel in downtown Lexington, Kentucky. The subject of this enquiry is a porphyry head, approximately life-size, set into the balustrade at the southwest corner of the exterior balcony of the basilica of S. Marco in Verlice (Fig. 1).1 The head is not far off a vertical line above the famous porphyry group of tetrarchs embedded in the corner of the wall of the church treasury, while its neighbor on the balcony is the equally famous set of bronze horses. Like them, the head is almost certainly a part of the loot that was Venice's share of the misdirected Fourth Crusade of 1204.2 The head has long been known popularly as \"Carmagnola,\" after the nickname of a condottiere, Francesco Bussare, who was beheaded in the Piazetta on May 5, 1432.3 That it should have been named after such a victim of stern justice is not surprising; but it is impossible to determine why this particular felon's name was chosen, from the thousands who have been executed beneath that balcony over the centuries. Actual identification of the head as an artistic representation, and hence establishment of its origin and date, have been the subject of some controversy, especially early in the present century when it first became the object of scholarly interest. One had thought the question more or

Abstract: Nicholas of Verdun, after a quick sharp look he spontaneously remarked with a benevolent teasing smile, \"Don't say you have once again found a new work of his atelier. Most certainly it must be a typical product of the Muldenstil my guess first half of the thirteenth century, rather Ile de France than Mosan.\" I was happy with his notion and showing him a photograph of the whole plaque (Fig. 1), I confessed that I would have felt the same way were the dedicatory inscription engraved in niello on the panel below the angel not dated 1379. He seemed greatly puzzled and asked if the panel with the dated inscription could not possibly be a later insertion. He said he would not know enough about niello engraving in this period and advised me to get in touch with an exceptionally intelligent young student of his at N.Y.U., Harry Bober, who was presently working on Andre Beauneveu. This is the first time that I heard Harry's name mentioned. I said I would be delighted to meet him and to show him a photograph of the plaque. Unfortunately, it never came to it. I was about to leave for the National Gallery in Washington in order to embark on my American museums career and when we later met at the Warburg Institute in London, we were involved in other problems, e.g. the edition of the Liber Floridus of Lambert of Saint-Omer. The Gospelbook of the Sainte-Chapelle (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. lat. 8851 ) has long been famous for its superb miniatures executed in the workshop of the so-called Gregory Master, the leading painter of the Ottonian School of Trier, and for its splendid golden covers. The front cover, of ca. 1270, is adorned with a crucifixion group, precious stones and filigree work; the back cover with an engraved and nielloed Evangelist portrait and the inscribed panel with the date 1379 mentioned above.l The inscription in a Gothic minuscule reads:

Abstract: Three slightly damaged standing figures in stained glass, now dispersed in collections on both sides of the Atlantic, are published together for the first time. One, in the Worcester Art Museum, Massachusetts, was included in a special exhibition in 1978 at which time it was associated with the Sainte-Chapelle (Fig. 1).1 Virginia Raguin immediately noticed a close affinity with a panel in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (Fig. 2); the London panel was bought from the dealer Maurice Drake in 1929 and the Museum files indicate that there was a companion figure, probably the one now in Worcester.9 Further investigation demonstrated that the figures are not only of identical size but also the \"cutline\" used by the glazier, revealed by taking rubbings of the leads, is almost identical.3 The similarity of the figures, both of whom turn to the right, is disguised by a change in colors; the Worcester figure has a light rose purple robe with deep yellow mantle lined in pale blue and holds a white scroll, whereas the London figure is clad in a red tunic and green mantle with blue lining and holds a yellow scroll. A third figure, clad in a green tunic and red mantle and facing left, is leaded into a large composite panel in a private collection in New England (Fig. 3); it has been on the same estate since some time prior to 1914.4 In the same panel are two border fragments from the Infancy of Christ window in Saint-Denis Abbey Church, and some fourteenth to sixteenth century fragments;5 this kind of kaleidoscope not infrequently combines the discarded pieces from several restorations. The isolation and static pose of each of the bearded figures, their position in three-quarter view, and the fact that each holds or once held a scroll, suggest that they once formed part of a Jesse Tree composition;6 such prophets were frequently placed on either side of each frontal, seated king, in separate panels. This arrangement, and very similar prophets, are found in the Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, in glass which dates from about 1241-48 (Fig. 4).7 Several figures are missing from that window, but those surviving are slightly smaller in size than the three under discussion here so another provenance has to be sought. Similarly, the three prophets are closely related to the dominant style of the Sainte-Chapelle, but there are traits which suggest that they represent a slightly later variant; close observation of the painting leads to the Cathedral of Soissons as the most likely place of origin. In order to place the glass in this context we will therefore discuss both the question of Parisian influence around 1250, and the history of building and restoration at Soissons. The impact of the Sainte-Chapelle on the character of glazing of the second half of the thirteenth century has long been recognized by art historians, but only within the last decades has any serious study begun to apportion the various levels of influence; in major part this has become possible due to the publication of the first French volume in the Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi series.8 In that volume Louis Grodecki analyzed the glazing of the Parisian monument as the work of several masters, and grouped the assistants under each master's influence in supposed \"ateliers.\"9 The Passion Master dominated the pioduction, his atelier producing most of the glass on the north side of the upper chapel, which deals with Old Testament history, as well as the Childhood and Passion of Christ and the Life of John the Baptist in the apse.10 The Isaiah Master, one of this atelier's assistants, is identified with a more vigorous, expressive style that is seen in a lancet illustrating the lWook of Isaiah, paired with the one treating the Childhood of Christ, and in many panels on the north side.1l Another assistant, the Jesse Tree Master, produced figures with broader facial features and heavier beards and moustaches (Fig. 4). Although the drapery repeats common atelier forms, it shows more rapidity in the execution and less sensitivity to contour.l' The two other ateliers workint in the Sainte-Chapelle, as defined by Grodecki, were under the control of artists named the Ezekiel Master and the Judith Master. The Ezekiel Master, responsible for the lancets with the stories of Danel, Ezekiel and David on the south side, favored small heads with delicate features, carefully detailed drapery folds, much use of smear shading, and symmetrical

Abstract: Tablemen are a large group of Romanesque ivories which have received little notice in art historical literature, perhaps because of their mundane use and small size.l Ranging from less than three centimeters in diameter to more than seven, these disks were used in the playing of board games such as \"tables\" whose history goes back to ancient times.2 Tablemen decorated with incised geometric designs are commonly found at medieval sites,3 but only those of the eleventh and twelfth centuries yield pieces decorated with figures and scenes carved in relief which may be grouped stylistically and compared with larger ivories and works in other media. n all, there are two hundred and sixteen Romanesque tablemen with figurative decoration extant.4 Those which emanate from a single shop, such as the pricked ivories atelier of Cologne, share common stylistic and technical traits that differentiate them from other extant examples.5 Members of a single set of the thirty playing pieces needed for a game of tables are further distinguished by size, material, theme and border design. The purpose of this paper is to define one group of Romanesque tablemen displaying such unifying characteristics, and then to identify some of their unusual iconographic themes. This group of thirty-two was first identified by Goldschmidt who named it after the scene of St. Martin Dividing his Cloak with the Beggar that appears on three of the extant pieces, each belonging toa different set.6 Most of these tablemen are carved from walrus, but the two elephant ivory pieces remaining are cut along the longitudinal axis of the tusk, so that the lozenge patterns appear on the front and back, in marked contrast to the practice of the pricked ivories atelier, the major center for the production of Romanesque tablemen.7 To further distinguish them from the pricked ivories tablemen, the borders of nearly all of the St. Martin's group are deeply undercut, diagonally away from the center (Figs. 1 and 2).8 A stage-like space results, with the borders serving as a curtain out of which figures and objects emerge. Two types of border design predominate, pearls with indented centers (sometimes filled with paste) that are set between two plain bands, and a channel between two torus moldings. Occasionally, these motifs are reduced to plain pearls or to a series of incised lines,9 while still other pieces bear more complex designs. Two tablemen are framed by a system of torus moldings and leaves and two pieces now in the British Museum have unusually wide borders with elaborate pierced designs.l° The figures set within these borders are generally depicted in lively, active poses. Men and animals sometimes form net-like designs over the surface rather than adhering to a single ground line, but yet are arranged in general conformity to the circular shape of the border (e.g., Figs. 4 and 6).1l Both human and animal forms are modeled in high relief, with portions often deeply undercut. Male figures are dressed in short tunics with V-shaped necks which stretch tightly over swelling stomachs, although details of the body and dress are indicated only by incised lines. Likewise, the heads are usually smooth and lacking in detailed modeling, though the eyes have drilled pupils that are occasionally filled with paste.l2 Mounds of hair or large helmets obscure the forehead. In general, these forms are not detailed on the far side, unlike the practice in the pricked ivories atelier. The St. Martin's group is further unified by the predominance among the extant pieces of scenes of combat

Abstract: e Pleq atPhed thh th k f the Bble and I __ , _l l _ : 7 was told that it had once been mounted on the spine of 1 1 _ the manuscript, along with another plaque now lost. Even with the very limited experience I then possessed, this __ seemed a wildly improbable idea. However, the object _ itself was certainly worthy of attention. It was a panel of _} ; copper gilt, with champleve enamel, measuring 1 lx10.7 -

Abstract: In 1882, Louis Steinheil, the Parisian glass painter, began restoration of the three east windows of the cathedral of Poitiers. The unusual feature of this restoration at the time was that the three windows were photographed, section by section, as the glass was removed and again after the repairs took place. Steinheil extracted a number of medieval panels of different periods that had been inserted as stop gaps in the two lateral windows, a fact that can be determined by comparing their present state with the description of the cathedral published in 1848 by Abbe Auber.1 Two of these panels are now in the collection of The Cloisters and a third scene, unrelated to these two panels, was discovered by Louis Grodecki in storage in Paris.2 Four saints, dating from the sixteenth century, were reinstalled on the south side of the choir but the remainder of these panels, twelve in number, have disappeared. Most of the photographs made during the Steinheil restoration are unpublished and many of the original negatives have been lost so that the two Cloisters panels, and in particular the one relating to the history of Noah, are all that remain of an interim phase in the glazing program at Poitiers between the three east windows (1165-1175) and the middle side bays of the choir which have been dated ca. 1215-1220 and later.3 Scholars interested in this problem presently have been dependent upon these few fragments of the glass and the brief descriptions of the windows published by Abbe Auber. Recently, however, a complete set of the Steinheil photographs was discovered among the papers of the late collector of medieval art, Raymond Pitcairn. It is now possible, therefore, to reexamine the evidence for this phase in the cathedral glazing and to suggest both the design and the iconographic sources of the lost Noah window. To review, briefly, the construction and history of the glazing program at Poitiers, work began on the two easternmost bays of the choir around 1 162 and was terminated about 1 180.4 During this period, the three east windows were installed with a terminus post quem of 1152 provided by the donors of the central window containing the Crucifixion which was given by Henry II, Plantagenet and his queen Eleanore of Aquitaine who were married in that year at Poitiers. The later dating for these windows (1165-1175) is justified by progress of the building campaign and by stylistic comparisons with other twelfth century glass in the west of France. A second building campaign comprising the completion of the choir, the transept and the first bay of the nave must have been completed by 1199 when the choir was consecrated. The nave progressed slowly with the western facade finally reaching completion in the latter part of the thirteenth century. Based on the extant windows at Poitiers, there appears to have been a hiatus in the glazing program which seems to have been resumed in the north choir aisle and north transept only in the second decade of the thirteenth century.5 The problem, however, is that much of the choir glass is missing. Both the first and third bays of the north and south aisles have lost their early glass. To make matters worse, the original twolight window of the first bay on the north side, critical to this study, was enlarged in the beginning of the fourteenth century thus destroying its original form and, undoubtedly altering its glazing as well.6 The earliest records concerning the choir glazing date from 1562 at the time when the cathedral was first ravaged by the Huguenots. An account of the state of the windows at that time provided by the glass painters Rene Frovignault and Michel Robin stated that the first bay on the south side of the choir was already set in quarries.7 In 1569, the cathedral was again attacked by the Huguenots. This time, a bombardment broke many of the windows and completely demolished others.8 It was, perhaps, at this time, or certainly during the restoration of 1775-1778,9 that panels from other windows were gathered for insertion in the east windows and remained there until Steinheil's reorganization of the glass. But, as these fragments indicate, repairs had been made to the glass by local glaziers as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century at the time when the aperture of the north bay was rebuilt.10 Many of the panels removed by Steinheil were in such disarray that their subjects are indecipherable and were probably broken up and discarded. In the scene showing two bishops, now in The Cloisters collection, for example, the head of the smaller figure stop-gapped with a disproportionately large face of the fourteenth century when removed by Steinheil, was repaired with a more suitable head from another discarded panel.1l By far the

Abstract: The Cluny capitals have received more scholarly attention than any other ensemble of Romanesque sculpture.1 By stylistic analysis of ornament and figures, an attempt will be made to establish the authorship of the eight capitals which were freestanding on the eight shafts of the hemicycle of Cluny III until about 1819.2 The first (Fig. 1 ) is a Roman-type Corinthian capital, which is the format of the entire series.3 It consists of two evenly cut blocks with a lower, smaller piece s]ightly higher than one-third of the height of the capital.4 Interlocking groups of acanthus leaves, forming frontal palmettes, make up the lower half. In the lowest zone deep grooves, cut at right angles to the curvature of the capital, separate both the main stem from the adjacent leaves as well as the palmette from secondary floral fillers. Delicate incised lines decorate individual eaves. In the upper zone the deep grooves accentuate only the main stem and the boundaries of each palmette motif. On the upper tier of palmettes a four-part floral bud alternates with the protruding leaves. By their vertical alignment with the tangential scrolls, these buds strengthen visually the four corners of the capital. On the upper faces of Cluny #1 triple-leafed motifs animate the sides of four volutes. A pair of floral patterns, each consisting of three groups of three leaves, grow out of a stem decorated with three petals. In each unit three groups of leaves splay out and partially overlap the volutes. In the upper center of each face a vertical, pointed ridge extends upward toward the tangent volutes and forms a crude, double arch which frames two voids. At the four corners of the capital a larger, round arch appears to support the larger volutes. The top concave sections or cavetto are decorated by compact rosettes in their centers on three faces. The fourth was destroyed. The rest of this zone is undecorated on sides \"b\" (Fig. 1 ) and \"c\", while side \"a\" has a four-petaled motif on the left and two quadrapeds on the right and side \"d\" has a complete panel of four-petaled floral patterns.5 All the leaves are slightly concave with ovoid points. The tear-shaped voids, animating the silhouettes of each major cluster of leaves, as well as the indentations between stems, are clearly the result of drill-work. FIGURE 1. Cluny #l

Abstract: . tlonal (Fig. 1), acquis par la Walters Art Gallery de Baltimore eIl 1964, a ete presente par la regrettee Dorothy Miner d'une maniere exemplaire dans Art News eIl 1966.1 C'est le troisieme petit tableau de forme ronde qui ait survecu de l'ecole franco-bourguignonne.2 Son iconographie est un \"unicum\": la Vierge est assise comme en \"humilite\" sur le croissant de lune, qui est l'attribut de la Femme du chapitre XXI de l'Apocalypse. Son humilite est exaltee en intronisation theophanique entre les cherubins, devant un drap d'honneur deploye par deux anges revetus de l'etole liturgique. Elle tient un encrier et une ecritoire en forme d'etui pend a son poignet droit. L'Enfant fait le geste de se fendre en vue de plonger sa plume d'oie dans l'encre (Fig. 2). Dorothy Miner a rapproche le tondo d'une autre composition circulaire: la Vierge a l'Enfant en buste sur le croissant lunaire, enluminure inseree dans le Livre de Prieres de Philippe le Bon a la Bibliotheque royale de Bruxelles.3 Elle situa l'oeuvre dans le milieu flamand, directement et simultanement influence par les ateliers d'enluminure de Paris et les sculptures de Claus Sluter a Dijon, au debut du XVe siecle. Sa synthese d'un equilibre delicat risquerait d'etre gachee par d'indiscretes retouches. Je me bornerai a un faisceau d'observations qui permetront peut-etre de conjecturer d'un peu plus pres l'origine de cette oeuvre aussi remarquable que charmante, et meme d'emettre une hypothese sur l'atelier qui la crea.4 Une dizaine de tableaux ronds, dont le diametre varie de moins de 20 cm. a 30 cm., la plupart du temps faisant un avec leur cadre moulure, qui copient un prototype perdu du Maitre de Flemalle, ont ete classes dans la categoire \"d'images de chevet.\"5 Le tondo de Walters Art Gallery, dont le diametre exterieur n'atteint pas 23 cm., appartient au type fre-quemment cite dans les inventaires apres 1400 de ces petits tableaux \"de bois rond\" ou \"tableaux ronts\" dont Dorothy Miner a cite un exemple dans l'oratoire de Philippe le Hardi (1404) et un autre dans l'inventaire de sa veuve, la duchesse Marguerite de Flandre, en 1405. L'item 68 de la notice d'apres le manuscrit de la Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve a Paris, des joyaux d'eglise trouves a la grosse tour du palais de Bourges et a Paris apres le deces (1416) du duc Jean de Berry, mentionne \"un tableau rond en deux pieces en l'un desquels a un ymage de Notre Dame alaitant son enfant et deux anges aux deux costes; et en l'autre Saint FIGURE 1. Tondo, Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery (37. 24049.