Abstract: In 1937, the printing of the Tripitaka Koreana was carried out under the supervision of Gyeongseong Imperial University professor Dakahasi Toru(高橋亨) through the cooperation of the Japanese Government- General of Korea at the request and praying of KangDeok-je, the emperor of Manchukuo. In 1935, the KangDe Emperor visited Japan and observed old books and paintings from Joseon, China, and Japan in the collections of the Palace Museum and Jesil Museum, and was interested in the Goryeo Tripitaka and the Hwangbyeokpan Tripitaka. In 1936, the KangDe Emperor requested the Japanese Government-General of Korea to print the Tripitaka Koreana. It is presumed that Kang Deok-je's request for printing the Tripitaka was based on his devout Buddhist faith, and that he wished for merit or reward through the printing of the Tripitaka, a compilation of Buddhism. The printing of the Tripitaka in 1937 was requested by the KangDe Emperor, but 2 sets of Tripitaka were printed with one copy for the Central Buddhist College. In addition, the items required for printing were produced in Joseon, and printing and binding were performed by Joseon people in the traditional way of Joseon. Preparation for printing began in June 1937, printing was done from September 2nd to October 17th, and binding and box production were completed by December 1937. The Tripitaka arrived in Manchukuo on January 19, 1938. What was sent to the KangDe Emperor was 1,163 books of the Tripitaka, 3 lists, and 48 boxes, as well as 2 books of Daegakguksa-munjib大覺國師文集 and 1 book of Haejangsa-sajinjang 海印寺寫眞帳 in Haeinsa. The printed version was enshrined in Manchukuo and Bohyeonsa in Mt. Myohyang, Pyongan-do, and the Tripitaka in Manchukuo is unknown. Regarding the characteristics of the printing of the Tripitaka in 1937, the missing scriptures and supplementation of missing letters were reviewed. At the time of printing in 1937, 18 plates were engraved again with the intention of reproducing the original plate of the Goryeo Dynasty for the re-engraved plate to supplement the missing plate in 1915. The missing letters due to the damage of the Tripitaka scriptures were supplemented using 1,017 letters in 136 places produced in 1915.

Abstract: This study was prepared to examine the trend of the Minje family of the Yeo Heung-Min family in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty. The Minje family continued to serve as servants from the end of the Goryeo Dynasty and produced queens and meritorious subjects even after the founding of the Joseon Dynasty. The Minje family provides an example of the background and existence of the ruling power during the period of change of dynasty. In this paper, paying attention to these points, I examined Minje's personal connections and activities. During the period of change of dynasty, Minje cooperated with the Lee Seong faction and formed a relationship with the forces opposing the establishment of the country. Political activity was based on these relationships. After King Taejong ascended the throne, Minje emerged as a talented person who produced queens and public servants. In addition, the Minje family, which had ties with major political figures, exercised influence over the royal family and politics. This purge is not simply to get rid of Min, who is related by blood. Taejong purged the Min brothers to prevent the monopoly of certain forces in politics. As a result, the Min family moved away from politics.

Abstract: “Goryeo celadon kiln site” refers to the remains of sites where various types of celadon, including the bowl with a halo-shaped foot, were produced during the early stages of celadon production in Korea. From the 1960s to the 1980s, the Gangjin Yongun-ri No. 9 and 10, Gochang Yonggye-ri, and Yongin Seo-ri sites were excavated, and research was conducted on the date of appearance and comparisons with Yue ware in China, as well as the evolution of the celadon bowl with a halo-shaped foot. After the 1990s, when the early celadon brick kilns in Wonsan-ri, Baecheon, and Bangsan-dong, Siheung, were investigated, more detailed research on the kiln’s structure and excavated objects has been conducted. Since the 2010s, early celadon kiln sites such as have been rediscovered or newly investigated. Specifically, in Yonggye-ri, Gochang, and Seo-ri, Yongin, new materials such as kilns and sedimentary layers, as well as other related facilities such as surrounding building sites have been uncovered, shedding light on the operation and characteristics of early celadon. The celadon kilns of the early Goryeo period were located in mountainous regions, and the range of the kiln site was confined to the local region. The kiln site is typically surrounded by large or small mountains and is located at the bottom of a mountain slope. On the flat surface area beneath the kiln site, facilities such as workshops and construction sites were located. This article examines the current state of excavation research to determine the locations of the celadon sites during the early Goryeo period as well as the systems of operation of the kilns and disposal sites. The celadon kilns of the early Goryeo period were located in mountainous regions, and the range of the kiln site was confined to the local region. The kiln site is typically surrounded by large or small mountains and is located at the bottom of a mountain slope. On the flat surface area beneath the kiln site, facilities such as workshops and construction sites were located. Early Goryeo celadon kiln sites were dispersed over an area between 2,000 and 5,000㎡ containing the kilnand disposal area. The kilns were renovated and repaired multiple times, the combustion chambers were relocated, portions of the previous kilns were demolished, and new kilns were constructed on a saggar sedimentary layer above the previous kiln. Even though the area was surrounded by the same terrain for several kilometers, kilns and disposal sites operated within a restricted area. This system of operation of kilns and disposal sites is distinct from that of mid-century Goryeo celadon sites. The operations of the early Goryeo celadon sites are believed to be very closely related to the tiled building sites created in the flat part of the kiln and the disposal site. Only a few specific sites, including the early celadon brick kiln site and the mid-century Goryeo celadon sites in Gangjin and Buan. However, based on the “Taepyeong Imsul” tiles excavated in Yonggye-ri, Gochang, it is assumed that this tile-roofed building site was a monitoring facility of the kiln site able to quickly reflect the decisions of the Goryeo court.

Abstract: In July 660, Silla-Tang allied forces destroyed Baekje. In 661, the Tang launched an attack on Goguryeo. The battle between Goguryeo and Tang from 661 to 662 was called the Second Go-Tang War. The Second Go-Tang War ended with the Battle of the Sasu in 662. In this study, the military base of the Tang army was specifically determined, and based on this, the defense battle was reconstructed. It is believed that the Sasu is located in the west, not east of Pyongyang Castle. The Tang army formed four camps to surround Pyongyang Castle. Bang Hyo-tae's troops were stationed in the west of Pyongyang Castle, installing a barrier along the shooter. Yoo Baek-young's unit was stationed on the left side of Bang Hyo-tae's unit, and Im Ah-sang and Jo Gye-sook's unit were stationed on the right side. And So Jeong-Bang is believed to have been stationed in the area of Maeup-san. Goguryeo troops first attacked Im Ah-sang's troops with weak defense facilities. When Im Ah-sang's unit was defeated, Bang Hyo-tae's unit was isolated and annihilated. As a result, the Tang army's siege of Pyongyang could no longer be maintained. In addition, the cold and food shortages were further aggravated by heavy snow at the time. In the end, the party forces, which received the military supplies supported by Silla, were relieved of the siege of Pyongyang and stepped down.

Abstract: Balhae was mentioned in Choi Chi-won's diplomatic letter to Tang's emperor and bureaucrat. It shows that Choi Chi-won was very interested in Balhae. However, there are some differences between the documents Choi Chi-won mentioned about Balhae. He described Balhae completely differently from the people who are receiving the diplomatic document. Despite the fact that diplomatic documents can show how perceptions of Balhae have changed, Choi Chi-won mentioned about Balhae because it was closely connected to the current world situation at that time. As an example, he mentioned Balhae for sending an envoy after a new king was crowned there, and comparing the affairs between Silla and Balhae at that time. As a conclusion, Choi Chi-won mentioned Balhae differently in all diplomatic documents to ensure Silla’s international position and suitable treatment in Tang.

Abstract: The peony was studied only as a object to appreciated by the Confucian minister(儒臣) and bureaucrats of the Goryeo Dynasty, but this paper examined that the peony symbolized the power of the kingship. It was used as a flower symbolizing the kingship through the act of putting flowers on the head[戴花] in the royal(or national) rite(ex. royal banquet) related to the king, visualizing the process of conveying the command of the king, or appreciating it with the scholars and creating poetry[賞花]. On the other hand, there were various meanings surrounding the peony between the king and the bureaucracy, because those who mobilized the peony selectively gave the meaning of the power, wealth, beauty, and luxury of the king and ruler to the flower according to the purpose of using it. In other words, various meanings were derived according to the politics and class of those who call the peony, and the symbolism of the peony became more diverse according to the purpose and viewpoint of the users. This situation has come to have various meanings as the material called peony has passed through the ages. It is the result of the re-appropriation of peonies in various ways through the time and space of each person, their position, and experience. The same peony has also been reborn in a different context depending on what meaning it has given and recognized, and it is necessary to approach various other symbols of the Goryeo Dynasty based on this perspective.

Abstract: This study examined the types and characteristics of workshops found in the Cheonwangsa Temple Site and Dongsa Temple Site among the temples of the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Dynasty periods in the Hanam region. In the workshop of Cheonwangsa Temple Site, a tile kiln, a charcoal kiln, a copper furnace, and remains of bell-casting facilities can be found in the space between the main hall and the lecture hall. From these remains, it is presumed that the workshop inside the temple's precinct during the temple's founding period was moved outside the temple site after the remodeling but continued to supply tile and charcoal. The Dongsa Temple Site workshop was constructed by digging the ground where buildings were built during the Unified Silla Period. A furnace presumed to have been used for iron production and remains of bell casting facilities were found. These workshops were operated temporarily to make roof tiles and dharma crafts needed at the temple's foundation. There is no trace that they were continued afterward. Considering the workshops' location, type, and operation, Cheonwangsa Temple shows the characteristics of a government office. It is presumed that Dongsa Temple was founded as a memorial temple sponsored by nobles. The workshops inside and around the two temple spaces are presumed to be auxiliary facilities that directly produce and supply items needed by the temples. It is deemed that professional craftsmen operated them. The operation of these workshops was related to the size of the temples. It shows the characteristic of a government office supported by the central or local government at the time, like the Seongjeon Sawon (temple with the government office in charge of construction, repair, and operation of temples) during the Unified Silla Dynasty.

Abstract: Regarding the start and end of the Silla-Tang War, which occurred in the late 7th century due to the conflict over the postwar process after the fall of Goguryeo and Baekje, the descriptions of Chinese and Korean historical materials are sharply divergent, claiming that each country won the victory. Accordingly, the perspectives of domestic and foreign academic researchers are also sharply divided depending on how they accept and interpret these historical records. In particular, the main issues in the academic world that have been going on so far can be summarized as follows. First, it was a issues related to the timing of the start of the Silla-Tang War and the investigation of its cause. Second, it was a issues related to the location of major battlegrounds such as Maesoseong and the consequent understanding of the development of the war. Third, there was a issues related to the confrontation between the ‘Victory of Silla theory’ and the ‘Tang’s abandoning the Korean peninsula theory’ related to the process of ending the war. And there were also issues related to the discourse on the historical significance of the 'The Unification of Silla' or ‘The establishment of the South and North dynasties'. Looking at the previous discussions related to these Silla-Tang war history, the aspect of the completion stage of the so-called 'The Silla’s unification of the three kingdoms' or 'The establishment of the North and South dynasties' was mainly highlighted from the perspective of Korean history. However, in terms of East Asian history or world history, the aspect of the foreign policy of the Tang Empire was mainly highlighted. Therefore, naturally, there was a strong tendency for the absolute majority to constantly converge only on the beginning and end of the war, and various interpretations and discourses surrounding it, and revolve around it. As such, the following aspects need to be further considered for the development of research achievements in the field in the future. First, it is necessary to find new historical concepts or terms that can cover the reality of the 7th century’s international war and its long-term aftermath, including the Silla-Tang War, from the perspective of complementing internal and external factors by replacing simple dichotomy. Second, it is necessary to expand interest not only in Tang and Silla, the parties to the war, but also in other tribes and groups, such as the Malgal, Khitan, other northern nomadic forces, and the refugees of Goguryeo and Baekje, who directly or indirectly participated in the war. Third, it is necessary to understand the various internal contexts such as the political structure of each party to the war, such as Tang or Silla, or the changes in institutions, society, and culture, and the periodic influence of the Silla-Tang War more closely.

Abstract: Gibulpo was the first battleground and the last decisive battleground of the Three Kingdoms Unification War in the 7th century. Gibulpo has a deep historical significance. Gibulpo is widely known as Seocheon, Chungcheongnam-do. However, there are many minority opinions that it is not Seocheon, Chungcheongnam-do. There are a total of five historical events that took place in Gibulpo. The names of Gibulpo are recorded differently in the historical records. First, in 660 Baekje recorded it as a place that must be blocked to defend the country at a defense strategy meeting to defend the country. It is also recorded as a Baekgang. Second, it is recorded as Woongjingang-gu or Woongjin-gu as an area that landed when Sojeongbang of the Tang Dynasty invaded Baekje. Third, during the Baekje Revival War in 661, the place where Dochim, the supreme commander of the Revival Army, blocked Tang and Silla County was called Woongjingang-gu. Fourth, in 663, the place where the Japanese and Baekje allied forces fought in the sea with the Tang navy was Baekgang-gu. Fifth, in 676, Silla and the Tang Dynasty fought a naval battle at Gibulpo, Soburiju. Gibeolpo, which Baekje's adults and Heungsu told them to stop, was the same place as Woongjingang-gu, where Sojeongbang landed. And it was Woongjingang-gu, where Dochim tried to stop Tang and Silla. In addition, Soburiju Gibeolpo, where Silla and Tang fought in 676, was the same area. They were compared and analyzed militarily and literature to determine the location of Gibulpo. As a result of comparing and analyzing these events individually, four places were identified as the same place. As a result of the identification, the location of Gibulpo Port has been known to the estuary of the Geumgang River so far, and it has been confirmed to be the middle and upper reaches of the Geumgang River. Specifically, it was identified as Bulamsan Mountain and Dochisan Mountain in Seongdong-myeon, Nonsan-si from Godajin, Sedo-myeon, Buyeo-gun. However, the war zone in Baekgang-gu in 663 was found to be the estuary of the Geumgang River and the upper and lower reaches, so further research will be conducted.

Abstract: The Japanese Navy has mobilized troops against Koreans since August 1943. The Navy's late push for the mobilization of Korean troops was due to concerns and distrust of Koreans. However, as the war situation worsened and Japanese military resources became scarce, naval mobilization was eventually implemented against Koreans. Until now, the structure and status of the Japanese Navy's mobilization of Korean troops has been poorly understood due to data limitations. The sketchy accounts of the start of the naval special assistance system in Korea in 1943 and the conscription system in 1944 make it even more difficult to understand the structure of the navy's troop mobilization. This article examines the status of the Japanese Navy's implementation of the Korean Special Support System through institutions and examples, and explains in detail the structure and methods of troop mobilization. The results show that the Japanese Navy utilized both the volunteer and conscription systems to mobilize the Korean population. Contrary to what is known, the scale of Korean mobilization was greater through volunteers than conscription, as the Japanese navy preferred to train them directly through volunteers in order to secure high-quality troops. Meanwhile, Koreans were initially mobilized as sailors and mechanics, but after 1945, about 50% of the total number of Koreans were mobilized as engineers. This was due to the need to build airfields and underground facilities to prevent American air raids and landings.

Abstract: This study examines the crucial policies in the governance of Baekje, a kingdom in the 5th century, with a focus on its response to the invasions by Goguryeo, a neighboring kingdom. King Biyu, who came from the moderate faction known as the clan “Hae” was established as the ruler, following a diplomatic approach of not provoking Goguryeo, which had been maintained since the reign of King Jeonji. However, a shift in Baekje's stance can be detected in the negotiation with the Southern Dynasties of China, particularly during the year 450. The negotiation with the Song Dynasty, mediated by Fungyabu, a North Korean envoy in the Northern Dynasties, aimed to undermine the relationship between Baekje and Goguryeo, while maximizing diplomatic gains for Baekje. Through negotiations with Song Dynasty in 450, Baekje sought to constrain Goguryeo and strengthen its own influence. Additionally, the items demanded by Baekje from the Song Dynasty, such as “Yeok-rim”, “Sikjeom”, and “Yono”, indicate the needs and policies of Baekje around 450. Yeok-rim and Sikjeom signify the introduction of new military tactics to expand Baekje's policy position, while Yono implies a focus on military reinforcement and weapons acquisition. The dispatch of Fungyabu and the requested items reflect a shift in Baekje's policy towards a more confrontational approach with Goguryeo, revealing the internal dynamics within Baekje. In September 455, immediately before his death, King Biyu is recorded to have encountered a “Black Dragon” in the “Han River” region. Notably, King Biyu went hunting in “Hansan” in March, a region that frequently appeared in the context of conflicts with Goguryeo. His hunting in Hansan was likely meant to assert his control over the military forces, emphasizing the imminent confrontation with Goguryeo. These actions by King Biyu contradicted the moderate policies pursued by the Haesei faction, which had previously dominated Baekje's approach towards Goguryeo, indicating potential friction between the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae” and the hardline faction led by King Biyu. Following King Biyu's death, a significant shift occurred within the moderate faction led by the clan “Hae”, leading to an internal conflict with the hardline faction led by King Gaero. Approximately a month after King Biyu's demise, in October 455, Goguryeo launched an invasion on Baekje, which was eventually repelled with the assistance of a Silla relief force. This event undermined the legitimacy of the moderate faction, including the clan “Hae”, in the succession dispute, ultimately resulting in King Gaero ascending the throne and the victory of the hardline faction. Indeed, the rise of King Gaero, who suppressed the moderate faction and seized power, and his supporting faction inherently faced limitations in adopting a tough stance against Goguryeo.

Abstract: This article reviews the results of research on the Silla military organization and summarizes future research issues. Silla's military organization can be found in the Bumgunho record of Mugwan section, in the 『Samguksagi(History of the Three Kingdoms)』. Mention of the Silla military organization began in the late Joseon Dynasty. In the late Joseon Dynasty period, the Silla military organization was mentioned in order to organize the military system of the past or to reform the military government and military system. Actual research on the Silla military organization with modern historical research methods was began after the 1900s. The interest in Korean history during this period led to empirical research on historical and geographical aspects, and also for the Silla military organization. After the liberation of Korea in 1945, the study of the Silla military organization intensified. Studies were published that provided an overview of the Silla military organization from an institutional perspective, and studies were also conducted that linked the military organization to the local system. These studies became the basis for later research on military organizations. From the 1970s, research on Silla's military organization became more detailed, with studies focusing on individual military organizations or specific military offices based on the results of previous studies. From the 1990s to the present, researchers have research achievements in military organizations that have been difficult to identify due to very sketchy records, and studies have been published to trace the process of change in military organizations and the operation of military organizations in connection with the Silla defense system. As a result of the constant efforts of researchers in the face of absolute scarcity, both qualitatively and quantitatively research on the Silla military organization has been greatly advanced and accumulated. However, there are still many things that need to be resolved. It is hoped that more research on military organizations will be conducted in the future and much will be revealed about the Silla military organization.

Abstract: Military protocols represent the Yeron of Confucianism applied to military aspects. Baekje's military protocols can be examined based on articles in Samguksagi in the aspects of lines, official archery, practice of archery, and animal hunting. Lines are also called Yeolbyeong and Sayeol and the most basic protocol to confirm the supreme command of a king during the time of peace as well as wartime. In Baekje, lines were performed for a king to solidify his royal authority or symbolically show that his royal authority was restored by reinforcing his bond with his subjects and simultaneously verifying his authority in them at hunting events or banquets where his military power was in control. Archery is a protocol to examine the virtues of a man of virtue from the Confucian perspective. In Baekje, practice of archery was done in an agricultural off-season and thus seems ceremonial. After each practice of archery, soldiers received different awards according to their scores. Animal hunting was done in an agricultural off-season and even involved common people. A king would give a banquet after a practice of archery and animal hunting. In Baekje, practice of archery and animal hunting were promoted, and military protocols were carried out at these occasions to solidify the royal authority. Individuals of different social classes had different targets in a practice of archery, which was a means of a king to reveal his status. In Baekje, animal hunting happened throughout the Hanseong, Woongjin, and Sabi periods and across all the four seasons. Hunting happened as part of military training in an agricultural off-season and was followed by a memorial service. In Baekje, the significance of animal hunting was to do military training throughout the seasons and also confirm the king's authority through a hunting ceremony.

Abstract: Gye Bong-U started to attract attention as human exchanges between South Korea and the former Soviet Union became active in the 1990s with data excavation and research conducted on Koreans that migrated to Central Asia. He was an Independence Movement activist, journalist, historian, and national educator that went back and forth between China and Russia. Born in a poor family in Yeongheung, Hamgyeongnam Province in 1880, he grew up as the only son in the family. Despite his remarkable academic competence, he had a period of roaming wandering around the nation, trying to pioneer his unfortunate fate and reality. He devoted himself to the national movement after realizing the reality of his motherland after the Protectorate Treaty between Korea and Japan concluded in 1905. His activities for 40 years until the Liberation of Korea demonstrated the multiplicity of the Independence Movement. His researches on national education and Korean studies in Kazakhstan sustained the identity of Koreans that were forced to migrate and had huge impacts on the foundation of Korean studies in the former Soviet Union regions. Although he wanted to return to his hometown after the Liberation of Korea, he failed to get permission from the Soviet government. He died and was buried in a cemetery in Kzyl-Orda, Kazakhstan in 1959. On April 22, 2019 that was 60 years from his death, his body was transported on a presidential plane, arrived at the Seoul airport, and was enshrined in Chunghondang of Seoul National Cemetery.

Abstract: The study analyzes the background and situation of the battle of Gajamseong Fortress, which broke out in the reign of the King Jinpyeong in Silla. In addition to this, various significances of the battle focusing on the reverse inheritance of merits are presented. Silla lost the first battle of Gajamseong Fortress due to the lackluster performance of the three armies from three states despite the desperate efforts of Chandeok. However, in the second battle, Silla won by learning from the lessons of the previous battle and employing Haeron. The third battle also ended in a victory for Silla. The fortress is the largest disputed area between Silla and Baekje during the late reign of King Jinpyeong. In this paper, Gajamseong Fortress is considered as the area around Jeokbyeokgang River based on the data on the Bodeokguk rebellion, geographic and terrain features, the timing of the first to third battles, and the military significance. The Battle of Gajamseong Fortress has great significance in war, diplomacy, and military history of Silla. As a result of the patriotic sacrifices made during the battle, Silla institutionalized the reverse inheritance system for meritorious service, which became a military strategy during the unification wars of the Three Kingdoms period. The fact that the Battle reflects Silla's struggle to overcome the national crisis during the Junggo period of Silla, when it enjoyed the greatest power is of great significance.

Abstract: The three representative figures of the revival movement are Go Yeon-mu(高延武), Gum Mo-zam(劍牟岑) and An Seung(安勝). Gum Mo-zam met An Seung on the Saya island(史也島) and moved to the Jaeryeong(載寧) in 670. The Saya island is estimated to be the Soya island(蘇爺島) in Incheon. But this is only the reason why the pronunciation is similar. The place where Gum Mo-zam and An Seung met is around the Jaeryeong Plain(載寧平野) in Hwanghae-do. If you look at the map of the Joseon Dynasty, there was a sea in Jaeryeong Plain. The name of the sea is Jeryang(濟粱), and there is the Chol island(鐵島) in the center of the Jeryang Sea. The Chol island is located where Daedong River and Jaeryeong River meet. The Chol island was the center of transportation by the waterways of the Daedong River and Jaeryeong River. The western part of the Chol island was recognized as the sea until the Joseon Dynasty. In ancient times, the western sea(西海) can be said to be from the west of the Chol island. The position of the Chol island should be determined in consideration of the ancient terrain. Looking at the ancient terrain and the process of Gum Mo-zam descending southward, the position of the Saya island is estimated to be the Chol island.