A role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders proposes that perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to 2 forms of prejudice: (a) perceiving women less favorably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles and (b) evaluating behavior that fulfills the prescriptions of a leader role less favorably when it is enacted by a woman. One consequence is that attitudes are less positive toward female than male leaders and potential leaders. Other consequences are that it is more difficult for women to become leaders and to achieve success in leadership roles. Evidence from varied research paradigms substantiates that these consequences occur, especially in situations that heighten perceptions of incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles.

/pdf/role-congruity-theory-of-prejudice-toward-female-leaders-4ldbwpzzgm.pdf

Role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders.

Introduction 1 Contentious politics and social movements: Part I The Birth of the Modern Social Movement: 2 Modular collective action 3 Print and association 4 Statebuilding and social movements Part II From Contention to Social Movements: 5 Political opportunities and constraints 6 The repertoire of contention 7 Framing contention 8 Mobilising structures and contentious politics Part III The Dynamics of Movement: 9 Cycles of contention 10 Struggling to reform 11 Transnational contention/conclusion: the future of social movements

Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics

Originally published in Contemporary Psychology: APA Review of Books, 1994, Vol 39(2), 225. Reviews the book, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion by John Zaller (1992). The author's commendable effort to specify a model of mass opinion formation offers readers an introduction to the prevailing vi

The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion.

Disadvantaged groups gain advantages from descriptive representation in at least four contexts. In contexts of group mistrust and uncrystallized interests, the better communication and experiential knowledge of descriptive representatives enhances their substantive representation of the group's interests by improving the quality of deliberation. In contexts of historical political subordination and low de facto legitimacy, descriptive representation helps create a social meaning of "ability to rule" and increases the attachment to the polity of members of the group. When the implementation of descriptive representation involves some costs in other values, paying those costs makes most sense in these specific historical contexts.

https://wappp.hks.harvard.edu/files/wappp/files/should_blacks_represent_blacks_and_women_represent_women_a_contingent_yes1.pdf

Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent "Yes"

Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States

In the post-World War II era, American women have been consistently less militaristic and more opposed to war than American men. Theorists, both feminist and not, have attributed such differences to gender itself, maternalism, and feminism. Drawing on the American National Election Study 1991 Pilot Study, we explore these hypotheses and discover no support for the maternalist explanation, some evidence in favor of the feminist accounting, and substantial support for the gender explanation. We also probe into the structure of political thinking in these areas and discover that the roots of women's and men's thinking usually differ even when they basically agree on the "bottom line." In particular, men's attitudes are much more partisan in their origins than are women's.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2111544.pdf

Gender, Feminist Consciousness, and War

Recent years have witnessed an increasing demand by women for political representation of women. This demand points the way toward a number of important problems for political research, many of which remain unsolved primarily because of the segregation of women's studies from the dominant concerns of political science. This discussion focuses on the problem of group interests and representation, drawing on and suggesting further research on public opinion, interest groups, social movements, international politics, political elites, and public policy.

Research Frontier Essay: When Are Interests Interesting? The Problem of Political Representation of Women

About five percent of American political office holders are women. On this indicator of women's status, the United States approximates the worldwide norm (Putnam, 1976). A central research question for those who study women's political roles is why, given the lack of legal or obvious structural barriers to recruitment of female elites, are women still so underrepresented among political officials. The literature on women and politics offers a number of plausible answers.

If U.S. Senator Baker Were A Woman: An Experimental Study of Candidate Images

Which is the real women's movement? The 1960s guerilla theater with feminists chanting \"No more male legislators\"? Or the political action committees of the 1970s distributing money to progressive candidates? Geraldine Ferraro and Diane Feinstein winning nomination to important political office in the 1980s? Or the crying, shouting, angry women of Mills College in 1990, protesting their school's decision to admit male undergraduates? According to Anne N. Costain, the movement's diversity and longevity have given it political strength--and have made it very difficult to define. In Inviting Women's Rebellion Costain examines the development of the women's movement from its appearance in the 1960s, through its formative years to its peak in the 1970s, and into its current decline. Political scientists have generally understood it as a traditional social movement one that gathered its constituents and mobilized its resources to fight for change--in part, against a government that was hostile or indifferent to women's rights. Costain argues instead for a \"political process\" interpretation that includes the federal government's role in facilitating the movement's success. In Costain's analysis, the crumbling of the New Deal coalition in the late sixties created a period of political uncertainty. Realizing the potential electoral impact of a bloc of women voters, politicians saw the value of making serious efforts to attract women's support. In this sympathetic political climate, the women's movement won early legislative stories without needing to develop significant resources or tactical skills. It also encouraged the movement's emphasis on legislation, particularly the passage of the EqualRights Amendment. From its inception, the women's movement focused on changing the laws that perpetuate gender difference--seeking to free both sexes from rigid regulations which assumed, for example, that women were not qualified to sit on juries or that men should have the sole

Inviting Women's Rebellion: A Political Process Interpretation of the Women's Movement.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, womenthousands of them -became increasingly organized and active in the attempt to promote the general welfare, especially by helping the most vulnerable members of society. As individual leaders and as group participants they were instrumental in organizing and nationalizing movements for public health (mental and physical), poor relief, penal and other institutional reform, education for the previously uneducated, and child welfare. As the nineteenth century waned and the twentieth dawned, women were prominent among proponents of a principle which was hitherto nearly alien to American ideology but which has now, a century later, come to be an accepted part of our political views: the government and, they increasingly argued, the national government, have a responsibility to promote the general welfare actively by providing initiative and support where necessary. The degree and types of support remain, perhaps more now than then, matters of profound political contention, but in the late twentieth century even the most conservative ideologues tend to agree that government must provide a "safety net" for its people. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was also a time during which thousands of women, many of them the same as those involved in the general welfare movements, were agitating to promote women's welfare specifically. I The

The Gender Basis of American Social Policy

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