Part 1: Politics of the New Social Risk 1. New Social Risks and the Politics of Post-Industrial Social Policies 2. Political Parties and New Social Risks: The Double Backlash against Social Democracy and Christian Democracy 3. New Social Risk and Political Preferences 4. Public Attitudes and New Social Risk Reform 5. Reconciling Competing Claims of the Welfare State Clientele 6. The Politics of Old and New Social Risk Coverage in Comparative Perspective 7. Trade Union Movements in Post-Industrial Welfare States. Opening up to New Social Interests? 8. Combatting Old and New Social Risks Part 2: Patterns of Policy Adaption 9. New Social Risks and Pension Reform in Germany and Sweden: The Politics of Pension Rights for Child Care 10. New Labour Market Risks and the Revision of Unemployment Protection Systems in Europe 11. Child Care Policies in Diverse European Welfare States: Switzerland, Sweden, France and Britain 12. Providing Coverage against New Social Risks in Bismarckian Welfare States: The Case of Long Term Care 13. The EU and New Social Risks: The Need for a Differentiated Evaluation

The Politics of Post-Industrial Welfare States : Adapting Post-War Social Policies to New Social Risks

Social Cohesion, Political Parties and Strains in Regimes

The eight countries examined in this study—Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden—have long been viewed as exemplifying “corporatist” industrial relations ...

Unions, Employers' Associations, and Wage-Setting Institutions in Northern and Central Europe, 1950–1992

L'A. examine de quelle maniere les legislations et les directives communautaires sont integrees et mises en pratique au sein des codes juridiques des Etats membres de l'Union europeenne. Il s'attache a definir les notions d'«implementation» et de «directive». Il passe en revue les theories qui permettent de comprendre le processus de modification du droit des Etats membres sous l'influence du droit communautaire. Il s'interesse plus particulierement a l'hypothese du cout dont il teste le bien-fonde. Il analyse l'application des reglementations communautaires en matiere d'egalite des salaires entre les sexes

Explaining Legal Implementation in the European Union

From my work on my doctoral dissertation (Lipset 1950, 1968) down to the present, I have been interested in the problem of “American exceptionalism.” That curious phrase emerged from the debate in the international Communist movement in the 1920s concerning the sources of the weakness of left-wing radical movements in the United States (Draper 1960, pp. 268-72; Lipset 1977a, pp. 107-61). The key question repeatedly raised in this context has been, is America qualitatively different from other industrial capitalist countries? Or, to use Sombart's words, “Why is there no Socialism in the United States?” (Sombart 1976).In a forthcoming book, I evaluate the hypotheses advanced by various writers from Karl Marx onward to explain the absence of an effective socialist party on the American political scene. (For a preliminary formulation, see Lipset 1977b, pp. 31-149, 346-63.) If any of the hypotheses are valid, they should also help to account for the variation among working-class movements in other parts of the world. In this article, therefore, I shall reverse the emphasis from that in my book and look at socialist and working-class movements comparatively, applying elsewhere some of the propositions that have been advanced to explain the American situation.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/FF0A1FB2A7A529A217C64FCA1DFDF9F1/S0003055400246169a.pdf/div-class-title-radicalism-or-reformism-the-sources-of-working-class-politics-div.pdf

Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-class Politics

The French Labor Movement

HOW far has economic development conditioned working-class politics in Western Europe in the last century and a half ? Are there stages of economic development in which protest is always sharp and others in which it is dull? To what extent are the differences in protest among the nations due to differences in economic growth, to what extent to different patterns of general historical development caused by other factors? What types of studies may promote our understanding of these questions? These are questions I propose to raise or to discuss here. The study of economic development has had a tremendous revival in the last decade. This revival springs largely from considerations of public policy, an honorable stimulus to scholars' quickened interest. One source is the pressure of the economically underdeveloped countries, those we used to call "backward" countries but which are often extremely "forward" these days. Another is the threat of economic stagnation in older industrial nations. A third is the concern of the democracies for their very survival in the face of the vast economic growth of the Soviet Union and, in the offing, of Communist China. "Economic development," the economist James S. Duesenberry says, "seems to be one of those peculiar phrases whose meaning everyone knows without the aid of any formal definition. Onward and upward expresses the term's meaning as well as anything else."' Here I should like to consider

Working-Class Politics and Economic Development in Western Europe

Labor and working conditions in modern Europe

Petits Fonctionnaires au Travail.@@@L'Industrie Horlogere dans la Region de Besancon.@@@Les Laminoirs Ardennais: Declin d'une Aristocratie Professionnelle.

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The French Labor Movement

The French Labor Movement

Working-Class Politics and Economic Development in Western Europe

Labor and working conditions in modern Europe

Petits Fonctionnaires au Travail.@@@L'Industrie Horlogere dans la Region de Besancon.@@@Les Laminoirs Ardennais: Declin d'une Aristocratie Professionnelle.