Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism

Introduction 1. Concepts and definitions 2. Pathologies 3. Barbarism 4. A theory of irregular war I: collaboration 5. A theory of irregular war II: control 6. The logic of indiscriminate violence 7. A theory of selective violence 8. Empirics I: comparative evidence 9. Empirics II: microcomparative evidence 10. Intimacy 11. Cleavage and agency Conclusion.

/pdf/the-logic-of-violence-in-civil-war-3be2ue3ffp.pdf

The Logic of Violence in Civil War

Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

Nations and Nationalism

Estimating the impact of economic conditions on the likelihood of civil conflict is difficult because of endogeneity and omitted variable bias. We use rainfall variation as an instrumental variable for economic growth in 41 African countries during 1981–99. Growth is strongly negatively related to civil conflict: a negative growth shock of five percentage points increases the likelihood of conflict by one‐half the following year. We attempt to rule out other channels through which rainfall may affect conflict. Surprisingly, the impact of growth shocks on conflict is not significantly different in richer, more democratic, or more ethnically diverse countries.

/pdf/economic-shocks-and-civil-conflict-an-instrumental-variables-r4u781k5zb.pdf

Economic Shocks and Civil Conflict: An Instrumental Variables Approach

here, but often with some revealing new insight; and only an exceptionally eclectic and voracious reader would fail to find new material. Even so familiar a subject as the Indian railways produces some fresh touches: Headrick remarks that British investors, under the government guarantee system (of 5 percent return on their capital), were not gambling on the profitability of railway operation in India but on the continuing ability of the British Raj to collect taxes; and India was the only nation with a major rail network that failed to industrialize during its railway boom. He describes a masterful use of technical requirements to keep out commercial rivals while maintaining a free trade ideology and a later masterful use of procrastination and indecision to avoid a hard choice between a declining British industry and an emerging India. Ironies abound. Earnest and laborious, although underfunded, efforts produced successful agricultural research programs (for export cash crops, of course) in Indonesia, India, and Malaya. But although research in Indochina "had been disorganized, unfocused, and erratic," it didn't matter, "because neighboring colonies had developed profitable plants and techniques" (p. 231) readily borrowed or stolen by French planters. Nevertheless, the French regime established something the British Raj in India never did. Its Office Indochinois du Riz, established in 1930-31, applied modern research techniques to a major peasant food and subsistence crop. Some fascinating people figure in these case studies, from the Indian geologist Pramatha Nath Bose—whose work made possible the success of Tata Iron and Steel, but only after he resigned from the service of a British Indian government that opposed such efforts—to men like Nigeria's Herbert S. H. Macaulay, Africa's first black civil engineer, who was sent to England to study surveying, civil engineering, and piano tuning. Colonial administrators often thought of technical education in terms of preindustrial crafts and not modern professions, not just out of racism (although there was plenty of that). Many were conservative, in a sense refugees from their own industrialized cultures, who wished to protect and conserve the "best elements" of the colonial cultures from rapid change. Both colonizers and colonized had ambiguous attitudes, which made it easier to transfer technology for transport and communication but difficult to transfer technology for import substitution. Asians and Africans had entrepreneurial skills, but only rarely combined with capital and an understanding of Western technology; and even a great success, such as the Tatas in India or smallholder rubber growers in Malaya, were at the mercy of government policies.

Ethnic Groups in Conflict

Most wars are now civil wars. Even though international wars attract enormous global attention, they have become infrequent and brief. Civil wars usually attract less attention, but they have become increasingly common and typically go on for years. This report argues that civil war is now an important issue for development. War retards development, but conversely, development retards war. This double causation gives rise to virtuous and vicious circles. Where development succeeds, countries become progressively safer from violent conflict, making subsequent development easier. Where development fails, countries are at high risk of becoming caught in a conflict trap in which war wrecks the economy and increases the risk of further war. The global incidence of civil war is high because the international community has done little to avert it. Inertia is rooted in two beliefs: that we can safely 'let them fight it out among themselves' and that 'nothing can be done' because civil war is driven by ancestral ethnic and religious hatreds. The purpose of this report is to challenge these beliefs.

Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy

Breaking the Conflict Trap : Civil War and Development Policy

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Breaking the Conflict Trap: Civil War and Development Policy

Breaking the Conflict Trap : Civil War and Development Policy