When defined in terms of social identity and affect toward copartisans and opposing partisans, the polarization of the American electorate has dramatically increased. We document the scope and consequences of affective polarization of partisansusingimplicit,explicit,andbehavioralindicators.Ourevidencedemonstratesthathostilefeelingsfortheopposing party are ingrained or automatic in voters’ minds, and that affective polarization based on party is just as strong as polarization based on race. We further show that party cues exert powerful effects on nonpolitical judgments and behaviors. Partisans discriminate against opposing partisans, doing so to a degree that exceeds discrimination based on race. We note that the willingness of partisans to display open animus for opposing partisans can be attributed to the absence of norms governing the expression of negative sentiment and that increased partisan affect provides an incentive for elites to engage in confrontation rather than cooperation.

Fear and Loathing across Party Lines: New Evidence on Group Polarization

Twenty-six years ago, Richard M. Titmuss (1970) claimed that monetary compensation tends to undermine an individual’s sense of civic duty. He illustrated his claim with blood donations, contending that paying donors negatively affects their willingness to donate blood. This thesis attracted considerable attention. Among others, Robert S. Solow (1971) and Kenneth J. Arrow (1972) discussed the proposition, both assuming that the effects of price incentives can simply be addedto those of altruistic donation. Contrary to Titmuss, economists therefore generally predicted that if the price of bloodis raised, the total quantity offered would increase in accordance with a normal supply function of blood. This discussion subsided rather quickly because there was neither an analytical framework nor convincing empirical evidence to support Titmuss’s case. Today, new theoretical developments suggest that economists should considerpossible detrimental effects of using price incentives. In this paper, we present such a theory whichis derived from social psychology and focuses on the crowding-out of intrinsic motivation.It stipulates that intrin-

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2951373.pdf

The Cost of Price Incentives: An Empirical Analysis of Motivation Crowding-Out

The institutional grammar introduced here is based on a view that institutions are enduring regularities of human action in situations structured by rules, norms, and shared strategies, as well as by the physical world. The rules, norms, and shared strategies are constituted and reconstituted by human interaction in frequently occurring or repetitive situations. The syntax of the grammar identifies components of institutions and sorts them into three types of institutional statements: rules, norms, and shared strategies. We introduce the grammar, outline methods for operationalizing the syntax, apply the syntax to an analysis of cooperation in collective dilemma situations, and discuss the pragmatics of the grammar for analyses of behavior within complex institutional settings.

A Grammar of Institutions

Low voter turnout is a serious democratic problem for five reasons: (1) It means unequal turnout that is systematically biased against less well-to-do citizens. (2) Unequal turnout spells unequal political influence. (3) U.S. voter turnout is especially low, but, measured as percent of voting-age population, it is also relatively low in most other countries. (4) Turnout in midterm, regional, local, and supranational elections—less salient but by no means unimportant elections—tends to be especially poor. (5) Turnout appears to be declining everywhere. The problem of inequality can be solved by institutional mechanisms that maximize turnout. One option is the combination of voter-friendly registration rules, proportional representation, infrequent elections, weekend voting, and holding less salient elections concurrently with the most important national elections. The other option, which can maximize turnout by itself, is compulsory voting. Its advantages far outweigh the normative and practical objections to it.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0003055400230980

Unequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemma Presidential Address, American Political Science Association, 1996

The Changing American Voter.

Hyperpartisanship is as old as American democracy. But now, acrimony is not confined to a moment; it's a permanent state of affairs and has seeped into every part of the political process. Identifying the overriding problems that have led Congress--and the United States--to the brink of institutional collapse, It's Even Worse Than It Looks profoundly altered the debate about why America's government has become so dysfunctional. Through a new preface and afterword, Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein bring the story forward, examining the 2012 presidential campaign and exploring the prospects of a less dysfunctional government. As provocative and controversial as ever, It's Even Worse Than It Looks will continue to set the terms of our political debate in the years to come.

It's Even Worse Than It Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided with the New Politics of Extremism

The 1978 CPS national election study, which includes many new questions about congressional candidates, is analyzed to discern what voters know about congressional candidates and why House incumbents are so successful at getting reelected by wide margins. Scholars have underestimated the level of public awareness of congressional candidates, primarily because of faulty measures. Voters are often able to recognize and evaluate individual candidates without being able to recall their names from memory. Incumbents are both better known and better liked than challengers, largely because they have the resources enabling them to communicate with their constituents frequently and directly. Yet the seriousness of the challenger is equally important for understanding the advantages of incumbency and why incumbency is less valuable in the Senate than in the House. Finally, public assessments of the president provide a national dynamic to congressional voting, but the effect is modest compared to the salience of the local choices.

Candidates and Parties in Congressional Elections

In this work, 11 political scientists aim to make sense of the permanent campaign, to understand how and why it has evolved, to weigh its consequences for our ability to govern ourselves effectively, and to consider whether steps might be taken to ameliorate its more damaging effects.

The Permanent Campaign and Its Future

Unsafe at Any Margin: Interpreting Congressional Elections

Elections are the cornerstone of democratic government, yet among scholars several major issues remain unresolved in the study of voting choice. Incorporating work by a host of international scholars, Elections at Home and Abroad addresses a number of these issues to expand the frontiers of voting studies. The contributors to this volume take as their point of departure the breadth of work done by Warren E. Miller, a key player in the development of scientific voting studies in the United States and Europe. They examine such issues as party partisanship, divided government, voting contexts, theories of voting, and relationships between political elites and mass publics. Reflecting Miller's own view, the volume includes much work on cross-national studies. For comparativists and Americans, Elections at Home and Abroad speaks to anyone engaged in questions of voting behavior, public opinion, and political parties.

Elections at home and abroad : essays in honor of Warren E. Miller

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