This note raises the IMF’s profile on a number of issues related to inequality, unemployment, governance, etc. It builds on earlier empirical work that examined correlations between growth downbreaks/duration of growth spells and a range of macro/policy/institutional factors. This paper is designed to be more accessible, more policy oriented, and focused squarely on the issue of inequality and the sustainability of growth. It will reference the literature that has gained prominence in the wake of the global crisis, and the possible links between the crisis and rising inequality in countries at the epicenter of the crisis. The analytical findings will also be connected to real world policy narratives in certain countries, to provide texture to the results and enhance policy relevance. The paper will argue that, based on the empirical findings, more equality in the income distribution is associated with longer-lived growth spells. Broad redistributive policies are not necessarily pro-growth, however, as these can have strong disincentive effects. The paper’s policy discussion is appropriately cautious, therefore, offering only tentative ideas, for example, active labor market policies and more attention to human capital investments designed to avoid conflicts between efficiency and equity perspectives.

https://www.imf.org/-/media/Websites/IMF/imported-full-text-pdf/external/pubs/ft/sdn/2011/_sdn1108.ashx

Inequality and Unsustainable Growth : Two Sides of the Same Coin?

Inequality and Unsustainable Growth; Two Sides of the Same Coin?

The relationship between income inequality and economic growth is complex and the evidence mixed. This paper focuses on the connections between income inequality and the fragility of economic growth. We find that longer growth spells—periods of strong, healthy, per capita growth—are robustly associated with more equality in the income distribution, even when controlling for a range of other standard determinants. A key implication is that it would be a gamble to think that distribution will take care of itself provided policy makers steadfastly pursue growth. Over longer horizons, avoiding excessive inequality and sustaining economic growth may be two sides of the same coin.

Inequality and Unsustainable Growth: Two Sides of the Same Coin?

The military coup that ousted President Hipolito Yrigoyen from power in September 1930 had profound implications for Argentine society and politics. After 1930, military power was consolidated and used in a more overt and violent fashion and political initiatives came to count on the armed forces to provide with force what was lacking in majoritarian support. Repressive politics were institutionalized, enshrining the armed forces as the final arbiter of the nation's political destiny (Halperin Donghi, 1961; White, 1991). The period of reaction that followed the 1930 military coup has been dubbed "the infamous decade" (Rock, 1993: 173). Oligarchic dominance in the political system went hand in hand with what many observers and social scientists characterized as a conspicuous dependence on Britain epitomized by the Roca-Runciman pact of 1933 (Rock, 1987: 214-223; Pla, 1969: 105; Galasso, 1969).1 Curiously, analysts who reject the indictment of this decade and view Argentina as successful in overcoming the crisis of the 1930s draw more attention to another aspect of this period: the systematization of a surveillance machine. Fraga (1991) and Aguinaga and Azaretto (1991) convey respect rather than criticism when they point to the extensive information service established after 1932 by President Agustin P. Justo to monitor the military, political parties, and society.2 The military coup that deposed the middle-class Union Civica Radical party government of Hipolito Yrigoyen and established General Jose Felix Uriburu as president was profoundly repressive, and censorship, tortures, and purges within the army and the police became rampant. But after a major setback in the April 1931 elections, in which the Radicals succeeded despite the revolutionaries' aim of eradicating Yrigoyenism from politics, Uriburu had to withdraw from power. In

Origins and Applications of Political Policing in Argentina

/pdf/inequality-and-unsustainable-growth-two-sides-of-the-same-14yftd04a6.pdf

Before the U.S. invasion of December 1989, Panama experienced one of the longest periods of military rule in the modern-day history of Latin America. While numerous authoritarian military regimes emerged in the region during the 1960s and established for themselves a relatively high degree of autonomy from both domestic and international actors, only those in Panama, Paraguay, and Chile survived until the late 1980s. And of these three surviving military regimes, only Panama's was ended through the application of external military force. For the past several years, there has been considerable discussion of the factors that seem best to account for General Manuel Antonio Noriega's personal ability to resist U.S. pressure from 1987 until 1989 and to largely insulate himself from the political and economic constraints of Panamanian domestic politics. However, much less attention has been devoted to discussion of the factors that explain the long-term maintenance of the military authoritarian regime in existence for fifteen years prior to his assumption of power. This analysis suggests that the long-term maintenance of Panama's military authoritarian regime was due in large part to its ability to acquire substantial amounts of foreign capital. During the 1970s, such capital was preferentially obtained from the international banking community. During the 1980s, it was obtained through illicit activities of various kinds, including participation in the growing international drug trade.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2010447.pdf

Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion

The realities of the post-Cold War world have presented Latin American militaries with new truths, and these are placing the military institutions under pressure. This work examines these factors and offers possible scenarios for regional developments.

Beyond praetorianism : the Latin American military in transition

edge over many edited, and even single author, works. Other contributors include Clive Jones on Israel and F. Gregory Gause III on Saudi Arabia. This is a good introduction to the topic and endnotes will direct those who have an interest to additional reading. Charts and graphs that looked at military expenditures over time, demographics, trade, and foreign assistance would have helped create the context for a given country and the region. A chapter on the Arab League and an appendix of supporting documents would also have been beneficial, though the latter are certainly accessible. The opening chapter may be a daunting read for those without a strong background in international relations; the case studies are much more approachable. The book, therefore, would be useful in either a Middle Eastern politics or a comparative foreign policy course.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1111/1468-2508.00219_12

Stuffing the Ballot Box: Fraud, Electoral Reform, and Democratization in Costa Rica

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Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion

Beyond praetorianism : the Latin American military in transition

Stuffing the Ballot Box: Fraud, Electoral Reform, and Democratization in Costa Rica