The following section, Management’s Discussion and Analysis of Operations, provides an overview of the consolidated financial statements of Fujitsu Limited (the “Company”) and its consolidated subsidiaries (together, the “Group”) for the year ended March 31, 2008 (fiscal 2007). Forward-looking statements in this section are based on management’s understanding and best judgment as of March 31, 2008.

Annual Report 2008

There is widespread agreement that compared to most other states in Southeast Asia, Indonesia’s central government has offered a poor response to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak. T...

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1868103420935561

Populist Anti-Scientism, Religious Polarisation, and Institutionalised Corruption: How Indonesia’s Democratic Decline Shaped Its COVID-19 Response

Reducing bureaucratic corruption: Interdisciplinary perspectives on what works

Despite an ever-increasing number of arrests of elite politicians by Indonesia's anticorruption commission, the country's levels of political corruption remain stubbornly high. This article argues that the main reason for this apparent paradox is Indonesia's dysfunctional party and campaign financing system. None of the three elements upon which this system was built (membership dues, donations, and state subsidies) has worked to finance politics in an effective manner. This systemic failure is far from accidental: it is caused and perpetuated by an elite that prefers illicit fund-raising to the limitations that a more orderly funding mechanism would impose. As a result, political corruption continues unabated, oligarchs have penetrated party politics, and state budgets are misappropriated for political purposes. Indonesia's new president, Joko Widodo, has promised to reform the political finance regime, but the power of deeply entrenched interests groups means that any change will be painfully slow.

Dysfunction by Design: Political Finance and Corruption in Indonesia

Indonesia's Anti-Corruption Court had until recently convicted all the defendants brought before it by the Corruption Eradication Commission. Many of these were well-known and politically powerful figures. Yet both the Court and the Commission are under threat. Between February and October 2011, the Anti-Corruption Courts issued more than 20 acquittals, and on 11 October 2011, for the first time, a defendant prosecuted by the KPK itself was acquitted. This article traces the history of the Court and the Commission and explains why their fall may be imminent. Both institutions have been the targets of efforts to discredit and hobble them, apparently orchestrated by people the Commission has investigated. If the current trend continues, the Anti-Corruption Court and the Corruption Eradication Commission may soon join the growing list of Indonesia's failed anti-corruption initiatives.

Anti-corruption reform in indonesia: an obituary?

SUMMARY

The discourse on anti-corruption approaches during the last decade has been shaped by two extremes: those who prescribe specialized anti-corruption bodies as a remedy in any context and those who consider general governance reform a prerequisite before a specialized anti-corruption agency can function effectively. This article argues that the dichotomized discourse does not do reality justice and presents a “good enough” story from Indonesia. The Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi [KPK]) was established in a low-governance environment and, although applying the three-pronged Hong Kong strategy, bears considerable differences to the Independent Commission against Corruption Hong Kong's structure and powers. Despite not following the prescribed sequencing or models, the KPK has brought previously untouchable high-profile perpetrators to jail, has recovered stolen assets, and enjoys a much higher degree of public trust and support than the other Indonesian law enforcement agencies. The Indonesian case demonstrates once more the importance of “local ownership” and public demand for sustainable change. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

/pdf/against-the-odds-anti-corruption-reform-in-indonesia-3t6p7azd9b.pdf

Against the odds: anti-corruption reform in indonesia

Democratisation has brought checks and balances, and new state agencies, to Indonesian politics. Checks and balances and greater responsiveness to the public have also been sought in the appointment processes for the senior management of these new bodies. This paper examines the merits of the new appointment processes, in particular sequential selection, through a case study of the leadership selection process for the Corruption Eradication Commission. It reviews the process stipulated by law and its implementation in 2003, 2007 and 2010. The study argues that, while the short-listing of candidates by the selection committee aims at unprecedented openness and meritocracy, the process used has been tedious and has given insufficient weight to candidates’ track records. Despite criticism that the final selection was pre-determined, the paper concludes that the overall selection process has upheld the principle of checks and balances between the executive and the legislature and ensured diversity of politica...

/pdf/appointing-top-officials-in-a-democratic-indonesia-the-37c7h6ldm1.pdf

Appointing top officials in a democratic indonesia: the corruption eradication commission

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Against the odds: anti-corruption reform in indonesia

Appointing top officials in a democratic indonesia: the corruption eradication commission