An MRI time course of 512 echo-planar images (EPI) in resting human brain obtained every 250 ms reveals fluctuations in signal intensity in each pixel that have a physiologic origin. Regions of the sensorimotor cortex that were activated secondary to hand movement were identified using functional MRI methodology (FMRI). Time courses of low frequency (< 0.1 Hz) fluctuations in resting brain were observed to have a high degree of temporal correlation (P < 10(-3)) within these regions and also with time courses in several other regions that can be associated with motor function. It is concluded that correlation of low frequency fluctuations, which may arise from fluctuations in blood oxygenation or flow, is a manifestation of functional connectivity of the brain.

Functional connectivity in the motor cortex of resting human brain using echo-planar MRI.

Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election, many have expressed concern about the effects of false stories (“fake news”), circulated largely through social media. We discuss the economics of fake news and present new data on its consumption prior to the election. Drawing on web browsing data, archives of fact-checking websites, and results from a new online survey, we find: (i) social media was an important but not dominant source of election news, with 14 percent of Americans calling social media their “most important” source; (ii) of the known false news stories that appeared in the three months before the election, those favoring Trump were shared a total of 30 million times on Facebook, while those favoring Clinton were shared 8 million times; (iii) the average American adult saw on the order of one or perhaps several fake news stories in the months around the election, with just over half of those who recalled seeing them believing them; and (iv) people are much more likely to believe stories that favor their preferred candidate, especially if they have ideologically segregated social media networks.

/pdf/social-media-and-fake-news-in-the-2016-election-1m4ttkb5mo.pdf

Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election

While previously polarization was primarily seen only in issue-based terms, a new type of division has emerged in the mass public in recent years: Ordinary Americans increasingly dislike and distru...

https://www.annualreviews.org/doi/pdf/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051117-073034

The Origins and Consequences of Affective Polarization in the United States

The current debate over the extent of polarization in the American mass public focuses on the extent to which partisans’ policy preferences have moved. Whereas "maximalists" claim that partisans’ views on policies have become more extreme over time (Abramowitz 2010), "minimalists" (Fiorina and Abrams 2009) contend that the majority of Americans remain centrist, and that what little centrifugal movement has occurred reflects sorting, i.e., the increased association between partisanship and ideology. We argue in favor of an alternative definition of polarization, based on the classic concept of social distance (Bogardus 1947). Using data from a variety of sources, we demonstrate that both Republicans and Democrats increasingly dislike, even loathe, their opponents. We also find that partisan affect is inconsistently (and perhaps artifactually) founded in policy attitudes. The more plausible account lies in the nature of political campaigns; exposure to messages attacking the out-group reinforces partisans’ biased views of their opponents.

Affect, Not Ideology A Social Identity Perspective on Polarization

We examine political polarization over climate change within the American public by analyzing data from 10 nationally representative Gallup Polls between 2001 and 2010. We find that liberals and Democrats are more likely to report beliefs consistent with the scientific consensus and express personal concern about global warming than are conservatives and Republicans. Further, the effects of educational attainment and self-reported understanding on global warming beliefs and concern are positive for liberals and Democrats, but are weaker or negative for conservatives and Republicans. Last, significant ideological and partisan polarization has occurred on the issue of climate change over the past decade.

/pdf/the-politicization-of-climate-change-and-polarization-in-the-ibf5i1zeqo.pdf

The politicization of climate change and polarization in the american public's views of global warming, 2001–2010

1. Culture War? 2. A 50:50 Nation? The Red and the Blue States. Is the Country Polarized? Red v. Blue States: A Summary. The Obvious Hypothesis. 3. A 50:50 Nation? Beyond the Red and the Blue. Is the Country Polarized? Demographic and Political Groups. Partisan Polarization. Is the Country Polarized? Individuals. Summary: Not a Polarized Country. 4. A Closer Look at Abortion. Public Attitudes Toward Abortion: "I'm Pro-Choice, But..." Abortion and the Gender Gap. Epilogue. 5. A Closer Look at Homosexuality. Americans Attitudes toward Homosexuals and Homosexuality. The Aftermath of Lawrence. 6. Have Electoral Cleavages Shifted? The Rise of Religious Cleavages? The Decay of Economic Cleavages? Appendix to Chapter 6. 7. Reconciling Micro and Macro Evidence. Centrist Voters and Polarized Elites. Voter Response to Elite Polarization. Appendix to Chapter 7: A Deep Identification Problem in Electoral Studies. 8. How Did It Come to This and Where Do We Go From Here? The Ascendance of the Purists. The Expansion of Government. The Rise of Participatory Democracy. The Hijacking of American Democracy. Three Important Caveats. Can Anything Be Done? A Final Thought.

Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America

For more than two decades political scientists have discussed rising elite polarization in the United States, but the study of mass polarization did not receive comparable attention until fairly recently. This article surveys the literature on mass polarization. It begins with a discussion of the concept of polarization, then moves to a critical consideration of different kinds of evidence that have been used to study polarization, concluding that much of the evidence presents problems of inference that render conclusions problematic. The most direct evidence—citizens' positions on public policy issues—shows little or no indication of increased mass polarization over the past two to three decades. Party sorting—an increased correlation between policy views and partisan identification—clearly has occurred, although the extent has sometimes been exaggerated. Geographic polarization—the hypothesized tendency of like-minded people to cluster together—remains an open question. To date, there is no conclusive e...

/pdf/political-polarization-in-the-american-public-3avwz0vhxe.pdf

Political Polarization in the American Public

Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches. By Nolan McCarty, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006. 240p. $35.00. Hyperbole was rampant in the aftermath of the 2000 elections. Pundits, politicos, and journalists asserted that the United States was in the midst of a culture war. The country appeared to be polarized to many, and this polarization reached a crescendo in 2000, with the now “classic” red/blue map of the continental United States serving as the iconic image of this divide and with blabocrats and politicians alike all pronouncing the end of centrism. Notably absent in all this discussion, though, was actual empirical evidence, a sense of historical perspective, and a meaningful explanation for this apparent polarization beyond sophomoric cries of cultural wars and diverging beliefs about morality. While political science as a discipline had considerable expertise to bear on this “cultural divide,” the discipline had remained fairly quiet on this polarization.

/pdf/polarized-america-the-dance-of-ideology-and-unequal-riches-3i9ar12hpi.pdf

Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches

Disconnect: The Breakdown of Representation in American Politics

In 2008 journalist Bill Bishop achieved the kind of notice that authors dream about. His book, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart , was mentioned regularly during the presidential campaign; most notably, former president Bill Clinton urged audiences to read the book. Bishop's thesis is that Americans increasingly are choosing to live in neighborhoods populated with people just like themselves. In turn, these residential choices have produced a significant increase in geographic political polarization. Bishop does not contend that people consciously decide to live with fellow Democrats or Republicans; rather political segregation is a byproduct of the correlations between political views and the various demographic and life-style indicators people consider when making residential decisions. Whatever the cause, Bishop contends that the resulting geographic polarization is a troubling and dangerous development.

“The Big Sort” That Wasn't: A Skeptical Reexamination

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