here, but often with some revealing new insight; and only an exceptionally eclectic and voracious reader would fail to find new material. Even so familiar a subject as the Indian railways produces some fresh touches: Headrick remarks that British investors, under the government guarantee system (of 5 percent return on their capital), were not gambling on the profitability of railway operation in India but on the continuing ability of the British Raj to collect taxes; and India was the only nation with a major rail network that failed to industrialize during its railway boom. He describes a masterful use of technical requirements to keep out commercial rivals while maintaining a free trade ideology and a later masterful use of procrastination and indecision to avoid a hard choice between a declining British industry and an emerging India. Ironies abound. Earnest and laborious, although underfunded, efforts produced successful agricultural research programs (for export cash crops, of course) in Indonesia, India, and Malaya. But although research in Indochina "had been disorganized, unfocused, and erratic," it didn't matter, "because neighboring colonies had developed profitable plants and techniques" (p. 231) readily borrowed or stolen by French planters. Nevertheless, the French regime established something the British Raj in India never did. Its Office Indochinois du Riz, established in 1930-31, applied modern research techniques to a major peasant food and subsistence crop. Some fascinating people figure in these case studies, from the Indian geologist Pramatha Nath Bose—whose work made possible the success of Tata Iron and Steel, but only after he resigned from the service of a British Indian government that opposed such efforts—to men like Nigeria's Herbert S. H. Macaulay, Africa's first black civil engineer, who was sent to England to study surveying, civil engineering, and piano tuning. Colonial administrators often thought of technical education in terms of preindustrial crafts and not modern professions, not just out of racism (although there was plenty of that). Many were conservative, in a sense refugees from their own industrialized cultures, who wished to protect and conserve the "best elements" of the colonial cultures from rapid change. Both colonizers and colonized had ambiguous attitudes, which made it easier to transfer technology for transport and communication but difficult to transfer technology for import substitution. Asians and Africans had entrepreneurial skills, but only rarely combined with capital and an understanding of Western technology; and even a great success, such as the Tatas in India or smallholder rubber growers in Malaya, were at the mercy of government policies.

Ethnic Groups in Conflict

Jeremy M. Weinstein, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007 xx +402 pp. £43.00 ISBN 0-521-86077-6 (hardback); £16.99 ISBN 0-521-67797-1 (paperback) Inside Rebellion offers an insightful accoun...

Inside Rebellion: The Politics of Insurgent Violence

The article of record as published may be located at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260600821640

https://calhoun.nps.edu/bitstream/10945/38372/1/CSP-27-2-book-reviews.pdf

Book Reviews: Military Power: Explaining Victory and Defeat in Modern Battle

Language, Religion and Politics in North India

Mampilly provides a sophisticated and challenging approach to thinking about how rebel groups govern their territories, and the implications of this process. The book comprises three conceptual cha...

Rebel rulers: insurgent governance and civilian life during war

: With the United States exhausted by more than a decade of war and facing severe fiscal limitations, decisionmakers are striving to place American defense policy on a more sustainable footing. Central to this effort is a commitment to work through partner nations wherever possible, providing support to countries with which the United States shares interests or values while also ensuring that the primary responsibility for these nations' security remains their own. This emphasis on partnership strategies is particularly central to U.S. efforts to manage the security externalities of fragile and conflict-affected states. Such states increase the risk of spillover conflicts throughout the region in which they occur, damage the economies of neighboring states, contribute to flourishing transnational crime networks, and foster transnational terrorism. When pursuing partnerships with regimes that are fighting insurgencies, however, the likelihood of success using such small-footprint approaches is inextricably bound with the local context and particularly the nature of the partner government. Too often the importance of local context is minimized in discussions of U.S. security strategy, particularly in relation to the problems of fragile states. Proponents of small-footprint and indirect approaches overwhelmingly cite as models the recent U.S. operations in the Philippines and Colombia. This study seeks to understand the extent to which the success stories of U.S. partnerships, such as those with the Philippines and Colombia, can be generalized, or phrased differently, to understand the conditions under which the small-footprint model is likely to succeed in bringing an end to an insurgency that both the United States and its partner seek to combat. It explores how local circumstances shape the art of the possible in such partnerships and how the United States can best maximize the potential and minimize the risks of these often uneasy alliances.

/pdf/countering-others-insurgencies-understanding-u-s-small-alqjztl5oj.pdf

Countering Others' Insurgencies:Understanding U.S. Small-Footprint Interventions in Local Context

The military effectiveness literature has largely dismissed the role of material preponderance in favor of strategic interaction theories. The study of counterinsurgency, in which incumbent victory...

Size still matters : Explaining Sri Lanka’s counterinsurgency victory over the Tamil Tigers

Analysts and policymakers agree that the Pakistani military has engaged in selective repression of and collusion with armed groups. Yet beyond this general observation, fine-grained theory and evid...

Politics and Threat Perception: Explaining Pakistani Military Strategy on the North West Frontier

\n Research on public opinion and crisis behavior has focused largely on pressures felt by leaders who have initiated a crisis, not on leaders in target states responding to adversary provocation. Our survey experiment involving 1,823 respondents in Punjab, Pakistan, finds public support for escalating rather than de-escalating in response to such provocation. It shows how public pressures can encourage conflict even in instances where a leader has engaged in no prior effort to generate audience costs following crisis onset. Survey respondents were more likely to support escalatory decisions if they were made by a military, rather than civilian, leader, although we do not find that military leaders receive more support in de-escalatory decisions. Finally, while we demonstrate that leaders can mitigate the costs of de-escalating by highlighting the dangers of conflict, they still incur opportunity costs in foregone public support when they opt to de-escalate rather than escalate a crisis.

http://academic.oup.com/isq/advance-article-pdf/doi/10.1093/isq/sqab042/38461982/sqab042.pdf

Public Opinion and Crisis Behavior in a Nuclearized South Asia

The United States’ ability to command the global commons – the sea, air, and space domains through which goods, people, and information flow – has been a pillar of United States national security for the last thirty years. The United States has ensured its command by pursuing what we term control of the commons: preventing the emergence of plausible threats to U.S. military dominance by state and non-state actors alike, well ahead of their actual manifestation. At a time when budgets are being cut and new great powers exert increasing influence in international affairs, control of the commons is increasingly unsustainable.In its stead, this paper advocates for a new approach to retaining command of the commons, what we term “security of the commons.” Focusing on the maritime domain, we first argue that the global maritime commons is far more resilient than many recognize: potential threats to the commons are overstated as other actors lack sufficient means or incentives to severely disrupt U.S. command. As a result, there is significant room for the United States to reduce its military footprint while retaining command. Thus, the security-based approach we advocate calls for the United States to reduce its military presence around the world as part of a move towards an over-the-horizon strategic presence. This change would reduce the problem of free-riding and the risk of spirals of insecurity with other powerful actors while leaving the United States a significant capacity – on its own and in partnership with other nations – to defeat threats to the commons if and when they manifest. This approach will also allow the United States to reinvest in the sources of American power that will sustain its position in the global order.

Whither Command of the Commons? Choosing Security over Control

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