The Paranoid Style in American Politics. And Other Essays

Right Turn: The Decline of the Democrats and the Future of American Politics.

The Unitarian Conscience: Harvard Moral Philosophy, 1805-1861

Postindustrial occupational change has ended an era of unprecedented upward mobility. We examine the political implications of this immense structural shift by introducing the concept of status discordance, which we operationalize as the difference between status expectations formed during childhood and outcomes realized in adulthood. We leverage German household panel data and predictive modeling to provide empirical estimates of status expectations based on childhood circumstances and parental background. The analysis reveals that political dissatisfaction is widespread among voters who fall short of intergenerational status expectations. We show that such dissatisfaction is associated with higher abstention rates, less mainstream party support, and more radical voting. Moreover, we explore variation in status discordance by gender, education, and occupation, which influence the choice between radical left and right parties. Our findings highlight how expectations about opportunities underlie generational voting patterns and shed light on the ongoing breakdown of the postwar political consensus. 

Disappointed Expectations: Downward Mobility and Electoral Change

A robust body of research examines factors affecting the likelihood that women experience increasing barriers to promotion in workplaces However, limited research examines how racialized and gendered processes may intersect and work differently for racially and gender marginalized workers Specifically, the processes relating to a worker’s ability to reach middle-level management positions (eg, those managers who oversee a small group of employees) and senior-level management positions (eg, CEOs and other executive positions) may vary based on workers’ race and gender Using 2015 EEO-1 data collected by the US Equal Opportunity Employment Commission (EEOC), we examine how the characteristics of a workplace affect Black men, Black women, White men, and White women’s share of middle- and senior-level management We find Black women and Black men are strikingly under-represented in both middle and senior management in private-sector workplaces Our results demonstrate that access to middle- and senior-management varies by the characteristics of the workplace and workers’ race and gender Overall, our findings point to an important implication: Greater oversight of workplaces, including by the EEOC, is associated with marginalized race/gender groups having higher shares of management

An Intersectional Approach to the Glass Ceiling: Gender, Race and Share of Middle and Senior Management in U.S. Workplaces

Racial and gender trends and trajectories in access to managerial jobs.

All this is wrapped up in the final chapter by suggesting whether modern economics is a science or mere ideology can be answered by focusing on the role of what Backhouse calls a myth. Basing economic policies on implications of models that are knowingly built with unrealistic assumptions or worse ideologically friendly assumption creates myths. And it is difficult to see how economics could ever be truly scientific if economists insist on maintaining such myths. As it seems intended, I think this is an excellent book for non-economists who are curious about how we got in such a mess as the Great Recession. Nothing requires the reader to know much about economics and certainly does not require having recently taken an economics class. And particularly any philosopher of social science who has not studied economics will certainly find this book very useful.

Book Review: The Explanation of Social Action by John Levi Martin:

casualty of this emphasis on past journeys, however, is the limited attention paid to the broader scope of memory culture, especially global memory culture. The chapters therefore raise more questions than they answer about the explanatory power of ‘collective memory.’ I wonder if more attention to the question of structural power and disparities of power (i.e., using more fully the political dimensions of the work of cultural theorists) would have helped ground the cultural analyses. Several chapters could have also added synthetic conclusions that would have explicitly linked the theoretical concepts to empirical data. Part of this problem is undoubtedly because of the limited space available for each chapter, but nevertheless, more forthcoming extrapolations and generalizations would have been welcome. An unfortunate, rectifiable shortcoming of the book is the publisher’s choice of small type, which makes reading the text demanding for readers, particularly those who are no longer very young. Despite these shortcomings and distractions, The Ashgate Research Companion to Memory Studies is a welcome addition to the literature on memory studies, cultural studies, and cultural and global sociology. It is a significant contribution to the burgeoning body of work that recognizes subjectivities and positionalities in memory research. The Ashgate Research Companion to Memory Studies should be of interest to many scholars of cultural sociology, collective memory, cognition, politics, history, and society.

Book Review: Luc Boltanski, Mysteries and Conspiracies: Detective Stories, Spy Novels and the Making of Modern Societies

The causal role of culture in contentious politics has been the subject of much dispute by scholars in the study of social movements in general and labor contention in particular. While several approaches illuminate the cultural dimensions of contentious claim-making, the cultural foundation of contention remains underdeveloped. In this paper, I address this gap by investigating the role of culture in the formation of the antagonism at the basis of contention. I argue that the formation of contention is an event at the level of meaning that establishes the moral disunity elementary to contentious claim-making. I demonstrate this process by revisiting the case of nineteenth-century Lowell, which was marked by the employers’ investment in the workers’ moral welfare. I show that the workers’ interpretation of their experience and thus the formation of their contention depended on their rejection of the moral view offered in the employers’ cultural project. That view presented workers with a perception of themselves and their occupation that could no longer be justified, thus from their perspective losing its moral ground. This study has implications for future research regarding the moral disunity at the foundation of contention and the historical analysis required to explain this disunity.

A genealogy of moral character: The cultural constitution of contention in Lowell, MA 1825–1845

Nearly all fractions within the political, economic, and social spheres gave responses to the recent financial crisis. In broad terms, both left-leaning and right-leaning scholars and commentators presented their explanations for the crisis, with confident agendas defining ‘what is wrong’ and how to deal with it. However, as intellectual history shows us, most of those explanations were no less fascinating precisely because they shared more that they acknowledged. A major divide has been over the role of governments in coordinating markets, or, in the case of Roberts’s The Logic of Discipline, the role of markets in coordinating governments. In this essay, I offer an overview of Alasdair Roberts’s arguments in The Logic of Discipline. Gradually, I extend the examined issues beyond the state-market dichotomy, arguing that only in understanding the interactive force of the two can a systemic analysis of capitalism hope to be plausible.

The Governance of Economies and the Economics of Governance

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