At NATO’s 2014 Wales Summit, the UK and Germany unveiled two new initiatives for European defence cooperation, known, respectively, as the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and the Framework Nations ...

British and German initiatives for defence cooperation: the Joint Expeditionary Force and the Framework Nations Concept

Defence collaboration is on the political agenda in most western countries. Simultaneously, maritime activity in the Arctic region is growing, spurring demand for various coast guard tasks of both civilian and military characters. How can defence collaboration be applied to deal with a changing situation in the Arctic? Arctic coastal states are facing heightened risks, and their various coast guard structures have to provide extended capacities for a number of tasks. Simultaneously, most Arctic coast guards are experiencing a stretch in capabilities, as demand grows. This study asks whether it is purposeful – or even possible – to conduct defence collaboration on coast guard tasks in the Arctic. Subsequently, what are the drivers of, and challenges to, such collaboration, and what forms can it take? Canada, Denmark and Norway form the basis of this comparative study, given their status as NATO members and small-to-medium powers with prominent geographical positions in the North Atlantic/Arctic oceans.

Coastguards in peril: a study of Arctic defence collaboration

This article examines the case for distributive fairness among states in the context of humanitarian intervention. I start by arguing that distributive fairness among interveners is important for b...

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Humanitarian Intervention and Burden-Sharing Justice:

This chapter analyses perceptions of “like-mindedness”, which since 2012 have been a key ingredient in Britain’s Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF). Having invited the Netherlands, Demark, Norway, the three Baltic states, as well as Sweden and Finland into the force, JEF has been labelled “a Force of Friends”. JEF has thus made Britain’s force structure more “international by design”. But what are the motives for joining JEF, as seen from a UK and partner-state perspective? The analysis is conducted through the lenses of ‘structure’ and ‘process’. Britain’s motive for JEF may be “gap-filling” because partner-states are needed to increase resilience and responsiveness in a crisis. Partner-states’ motive is “networking”. A modest military contribution allows dependent clients access to decision makers inside a leading power in Europe; this is crucial in the event of a crisis with Russia. Based on interviews and document analysis, the empirical evidence seems to support these hypotheses. Speeches, statements and lectures from former Chief of Defence Staff (sir David Richards), MoD non-papers, and SDSRs, indicate that British sovereignty is to be sustained through a more systematic and comprehensive exploitation of multinational force integration deeper into the force structure. Interviews with north European defence officials at the embassies in London, as well as MoD-officials in Oslo, suggest that JEF is used to increase prospects for rapid assistance in times of peril. The conclusion is that Britain builds a JEF where stakeholders participate for different reasons. Increased reliance on partnerships present a dilemma for Britain’s leadership role in Europe. Her Majesty’s force may become more sustainable through pooling of partner-state forces. But partner-states’ dependency is likely to increase, which again may increase the risks for entrapment.

Britain’s Joint Expeditionary Force: A Force of Friends?

Cooperation across maritime boundaries have increasingly come into focus as Arctic states attempt to tackle a growing gap between aspirations and capabilities in their respective northern waters. Multilateral cooperation has been touted as a tool to manage an increasingly challenging situation in northern waters. As the most blatant example of this, an Arctic Coast Guard Forum was officially established in 2015 after years of deliberation on its potential role. This chapter explicitly examines the notion of pan-Arctic cooperation on coast guard issues, discussing its potential and limitations. Finally, it relates these trends to general literature on international cooperation and its relevance for understanding contemporary cooperation at sea between states.

International Cooperation as an Arctic Solution

The will and ability of NATO’s European members to act consistently and decisively in any future crisis threatening the security interests of the Alliance are increasingly in question. This is hardly surprising after more than a decade of conflicts — from Kosovo and Afghanistan to Libya — where reservations, caveats and straightforward refusals to become involved have been the rule rather than the exception for many of the allies. So far, this has mainly been a token of political indecision or reluctance, rather than a lack of actual military capability. However, looking to the future, the question is whether the constraints on Alliance coherence and joint action are going to be as much a matter of limited military means as of limited political determination — of ability as much as willingness. This may well be the case, unless appropriate strategies for dealing with diminishing European force structures and vanishing capabilities are developed over the next five to ten years.

Towards an Affordable European Defence and Security Policy? The Case for Extensive European Force Integration

Logistics as a security policy tool – exploring motivations for allied support in the case of Norway

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Towards an Affordable European Defence and Security Policy? The Case for Extensive European Force Integration

Logistics as a security policy tool – exploring motivations for allied support in the case of Norway