The Alienation Between Religion and Psychology The New Zeitgeist Western and Eastern Spiritual World Views A Theistic Spiritual View of Personality and Mental Health A Theistic Spiritual View of Psychotherapy Ethical Issues and Guidelines Religious and Spiritual Assessment Religious and Spiritual Practices as Therapeutic Interventions Spiritual Interventions Used by Contemporary Psychotherapists Case Reports of Spiritual Issues and Interventions in Psychotherapy A Theistic Spiritual View of Science and Research Methods Directions for the Future.

A Spiritual Strategy for Counseling and Psychotherapy

That men are less religious than women is a generalization that holds around the world and across the centuries. However, there has been virtually no study of this phenomenon because it has seemed so obvious that it is the result of differential sex role socialization. Unfortunately, actual attempts to isolate socialization effects on gender differences in religiousness have failed, as have far more frequent and careful efforts to explain gender differences in crime. There is a growing body of plausible evidence in support of physiological bases for gender differences in crime. Making the assumption that, like crime, irreligiousness is an aspect of a general syndrome of short–sighted, risky behaviors leads to the conclusion that male irreligiousness may also have a physiological basis. If nothing else, this article may prompt creative efforts to salvage the socialization explanation.

Physiology and Faith: Addressing the “Universal” Gender Difference in Religious Commitment

A spiritual strategy for counseling and psychotherapy, 2nd ed.

/pdf/the-cambridge-history-of-literary-criticism-1v5m8g0mrd.pdf

The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism

(1990). Everyday creativity, eminent creativity, and health: “Afterview”; for CRJ Issues on creativity and health. Creativity Research Journal: Vol. 3, No. 4, pp. 300-326.

Everyday creativity, eminent creativity, and health: "Afterview" for CRJ issues on creativity and health.

The heresy of the Free Spirit is often considered to have been the most important continental European heresy of the fourteenth century. Many historians have described its membership as a league of anarchistic deviants who fomented sexual license and subversion of authority. Free Spirits are supposed to have justified nihilism and megalomania and to have been remote precursors of Bakunin and Nietzsche and twentieth-century bohemians and hippies. This volume examines the Free-Spirit movement as it appeared in its own age, and concludes that it was not a tightly-organized sect, but rather a spectrum of belief that emphasized voluntary poverty and quietistic mysticism. Overall, the movement was far more typical of the late-medieval search for God and godliness that is commonly supposed.

The heresy of the free spirit in the later Middle Ages

Robert E. Lerner uncovers a strain of medieval millennial thought that conceived of a peaceful place for Jews at the end of time. Its proponents maintained that "the candelabra of the Church would return to the Synagogue" and that the millennial Church would celebrate the feasts of "Saint Abraham" and "Saint David." Rejecting the common assumption that all millenarians were of necessity anti-Jewish, Lerner reveals a Christian prophetic tradition that foresaw a world in which Jews and Gentiles would come together to mutual benefit. As imagined by the twelfth century Calabrian Abbot Joachim of Fiore, God's plan, entailed a march of progress from Abraham until the wondrous transformation of human life upon the defeat of Antichrist. While the march of progress transpired on earth, a spiritual movement impelled God's chosen ones to heaven in phases, on a stairway to paradise. The divine plan had first entrusted the Jews with adherence to the letter of the Old Testament; then it had entrusted the Gentiles with the more spiritual New Testament. At the culmination of history, God would endow both Jews and Gentiles with a full understanding of both testaments. The word of God would return to the people from whence it came, and the Jews would be converted peacefully instead of damned.

The Feast of Saint Abraham: Medieval Millenarians and the Jews

Neue Richtungen in der hoch- und spätmittelalterlichen Bibelexegese

Conversations with the Calabrian abbot Joachim of Fiore (c. 1135-1202) had a way of turning to the imminent advent of Antichrist: "Antichrist was coming very soon," Joachim might say, or "Antichrist was already born in Rome," or "the age culminating in Antichrist's persecutions will begin in a mere four years."1 It is hence not surprising that Joachim became most famous in his own lifetime as a prophet of Antichrist. But how exactly did Joachim's warnings concerning Antichrist's imminent advent fit in with his overall view of the history of salvation? Joachim's contemporaries had more difficulty in understanding this larger issue than they had in grasping his urgent message that Antichrist was coming soon, and central questions concerning the nature of Joachim's Antichrist thought still have not been resolved by modern scholarship. Above all, two problems of interpretation remain outstanding: (1) Given the certainty that Joachim actually believed in the coming of many Antichrists, which of these several was for him the "real and true" one? (2) Given that Joachirn's "real and true" Antichrist can indeed be identified, how did his conception of this eschatological villain compare with that of prior medieval tradition? In seeking to answer both questions I hope to show concurrently that Joachim's Antichrist theology was enormously innovative, daring, and subtle, as his thinking was in so many other regards.

Antichrists and Antichrist in Joachim of Fiore

Western Civilizations: Their History and Their Culture

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Robert E. Lerner

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