The conditions associated with the existence and stability of democratic society have been a leading concern of political philosophy. In this paper the problem is attacked from a sociological and behavioral standpoint, by presenting a number of hypotheses concerning some social requisites for democracy, and by discussing some of the data available to test these hypotheses. In its concern with conditions—values, social institutions, historical events—external to the political system itself which sustain different general types of political systems, the paper moves outside the generally recognized province of political sociology. This growing field has dealt largely with the internal analysis of organizations with political goals, or with the determinants of action within various political institutions, such as parties, government agencies, or the electoral process. It has in the main left to the political philosopher the larger concern with the relations of the total political system to society as a whole.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0003055400000034

Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy

Preface. Note to Maps. Maps. Introduction. 1. Are Nations Modern?. a Modernistsa and a Primordialistsa . Ethnie, Myths and Symbols. The Durability of Ethnic Communities. Part I: Ethnic Communities in Pre--Modern Eras:. 2. Foundations of Ethnic Community. The Dimensions of Ethnie. Some Bases of Ethnic Formation. Structure and persistence of Ethnie. 3. Ethnie and Ethnicism in History. Uniqueness and Exclusion. Ethnic Resistance and Renewal. External Threat and Ethnic Response. Two Types of Ethnic Mythomoteur. 4. Class and Ethnie in Agrarian Societies. Military Mobilization and Ethnic Consciousness. Two Types of Ethnie. Ethnic Polities. 5. Ethnic Survival and Dissolution. Location and Sovereignty. Demographic and Cultural Continuity. Dissolution of Ethnie. Ethnic Survival. Ethnic Socialization and Religious Renewal. Part II: Ethnie and Nations in the Modern Era. 6. The Formation of Nations. Western Revolutions. Territorial and Ethnic Nations. Nation--Formation. The Ethnic Model. Ethnic Solidarity or Political Citizenship?. 7. From Ethnie to Nation. Politicization of Ethnie. The New Priesthood. Autarchy and Territorialization. Mobilization and Inclusion. The New Imagination. 8. Legends and Landscapes. Nostalgia and Posterity. The Sense of a The Pasta . Romantic Nationalism as an a Historical Dramaa . Poetic Spaces: The Uses of Landscape. Golden Ages: The Uses of History. Myths and Nation--Building. 9. The Genealogy of Nations. Parmenideans and Heraclitans. The a Antiquitya of Nations. Transcending Ethnicity?. A World of Small Nations. Ethnic Mobilization and Global Security. Notes. Bibliography. Index.

The Ethnic Origins of Nations

In spite of the traditional legitimacy accorded the market mechanism of the private sector in advanced capitalist nations, governments in those nations have become more influential as providers of social services and income supplements, producers of goods, managers of the economy, and investors of capital. And in order to finance these various activities the revenues of public authorities have increased dramatically–to a point where they are now equivalent to one-third to one-half of a nation's economic product.This growth in governmental activity in advanced capitalist society is examined by considering the causes, and some of the consequences, of the expansion of the public economy–defined, following Schumpeter's discussion of the “tax state,” in terms of the extractive role of government. The primary concern of this article is to discover why some nations have experienced a far greater rate of increase in recent years and, as a result, have a much larger public economy than other nations. Five types of explanation are elaborated to account for the growth of the scope of governmental activity: (1) the level and rate of growth in the economic product; (2) the degree to which the fiscal structure of a nation relies on indirect, or “invisible,” taxes; (3) politics–in particular the partisan composition of government and the frequency of electoral competition; (4) the institutional structure of government; and (5) the degree of exposure of the economy to the international marketplace. The article evaluates the five explanations with data for 18 nations, and concludes by discussing some implications of the analysis.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0003055400159465

The Expansion of the Public Economy: A Comparative Analysis*

This research investigated age differences in individual adoption and sustained usage of technology in the workplace using the theory of planned behavior. User reactions and technology usage behavior were studied over a 5-month period among 118 workers being introduced to a new software system. At 2 points of measurement, compared to older workers, younger workers' technology usage decisions were more strongly influenced by attitude toward using the technology. In contrast, older workers were more strongly influenced by subjective norm and perceived behavioral control, although the effect of subjective norm diminished over time. These findings were robust, even after controlling for key confounding variables identified in prior organizational behavior research (i.e., income, occupation, and education levels). Theoretical and practical implications for understanding the effects of aging on technology adoption and usage in the workplace are discussed.

/pdf/age-differences-in-technology-adoption-decisions-2ovv1uhzrj.pdf

Age differences in technology adoption decisions: implications for a changing work force

Why Men Rebel was first published in 1970 on the heels of a decade of political violence and protest not only in remote corners of Africa and Southeast Asia, but also at home in the United States. Forty years later, the world is riveted on uprisings in the Middle East, and the United States has been overtaken by a focus on international terrorism and a fascination with citizen movements at home and abroad. Do the arguments of 1970 apply today? Why Men Rebel lends new insight into contemporary challenges of transnational recruitment and organization, multimedia mobilization, and terrorism.

Why Men Rebel

This paper presents national survey evidence from the 1972-1973 Michigan Quality of Employment Survey on the relationship between education and work satisfaction among blue-collar workers. Special ...

Education and Job Attitudes among Blue-Collar Workers:

1. World wars: definition and causes Richard F. Hamilton and Holger H. Herwig 2. The European wars: 1815-1913 Richard F. Hamilton 3. Serbia Richard C. Hall 4. Austria-Hungary Graydon A. Tunstall, Jr. 5. Germany Holger H. Herwig 6. Russia David Alan Rich 7. France Eugenia C. Kiesling 8. The United Kingdom J. Paul Harris 9. Japan Frederick R. Dickinson 10. The Ottoman empire Ulrich Trumpener 11. Italy Richard F. Hamilton and Holger H. Herwig 12. Bulgaria, Romania and Greece Richard C. Hall 13. The United States John M. Cooper, Jr. 14. Why did it happen? Holger H. Herwig 15. On the origins of the catastrophe Richard F. Hamilton Appendix A. Chronology Appendix B. Dramatis personae Appendix C. Suggested readings.

/pdf/the-origins-of-world-war-i-5g5b4n0dyw.pdf

The Origins of World War I

The Independence Issue and the Polarization of the Electorate: The 1973 Quebec Election *

A test of claims made about white-collar workers shows the following: about half identify themselves as "working-class." Those identifying themselves as middle-class are not marginal; the working-class identifiers are the ones who have low incomes. Working-class identifiers report working-class origins and middle-class identifiers indicate middle-class origins. "Authoritarianism" is not especially prevalent among the clerical workers who are economically marginal. Some comparative materials are examined and alternative lines of theory indicated.

The Marginal Middle Class: A Reconsideration

From the mid-thirties through the sixties, Quebec provincial politics consisted largely of a two-party struggle between the Liberals and the Union nationale. Some other contenders appeared from time to time such as the Bloc populaire in 1944 and the Union des Electeurs in 1948. From them through to the mid-sixties, third parties and independents gained only a minuscule portion of the total vote. But in 1966 one saw the emergence of two new parties, the Rassemblement pour l'Ind&pendance nationale and the Ralliement national. In 1970 these yielded place to the Parti qu6b6cois and the Ralliement cr6ditiste, with the former surpassing the Union nationale in its share of the total vote. In 1973, the Parti qu6becois increased its share of the vote over its 1970 total and unambiguously replaced the Union nationale as the "second party" of the province. The Liberals also increased their share of the vote to gain a clear majority. The Cr6ditistes suffered a slight loss, falling from 11.2 to 9.7 per cent, while the once mighty Union nationale fell to a mere 5 per cent of the total. The shape of Quebec party politics has clearly been drastically altered.1 The question arises as to what lies behind this change. To answer that question it is necessary to raise two others: what kinds of people support the various parties? And, what are their reasons for doing so? This article will attempt to answer the first of these questions. A second one (see article in note 30) will deal with voter reactions to the various issues in the 1973 campaign. Possibly the most frequently discussed factor in analyses of party support is one called "class." The Quebec context is no exception to this rule. One of the commonplace observations about the Quebec scene is that the Liberal party is the party of the dominant business and financial interests. A frequently heard correlate is that the Parti qu6b6cois, the party which offers a social-democratic program as well as the independence option, receives its support from the working class of the

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3230868.pdf

The Bases of Parti Québécois Support in Recent Quebec Elections

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