Why Men Rebel was first published in 1970 on the heels of a decade of political violence and protest not only in remote corners of Africa and Southeast Asia, but also at home in the United States. Forty years later, the world is riveted on uprisings in the Middle East, and the United States has been overtaken by a focus on international terrorism and a fascination with citizen movements at home and abroad. Do the arguments of 1970 apply today? Why Men Rebel lends new insight into contemporary challenges of transnational recruitment and organization, multimedia mobilization, and terrorism.

Why Men Rebel

The good governance agenda is unrealistically long and growing longer over time. Among the multitude of governance reforms that “must be done” to encourage development and reduce poverty, there is little guidance about what's essential and what's not, what should come first and what should follow, what can be achieved in the short term and what can only be achieved over the longer term, what is feasible and what is not. If more attention is given to sorting out these questions, “good enough governance” may become a more realistic goal for many countries faced with the goal of reducing poverty. Working toward good enough governance means accepting a more nuanced understanding of the evolution of institutions and government capabilities; being explicit about trade-offs and priorities in a world in which all good things cannot be pursued at once; learning about what's working rather than focusing solely on governance gaps; taking the role of government in poverty alleviation seriously; and grounding action in the contextual realities of each country.

Good Enough Governance: Poverty Reduction and Reform in Developing Countries

1. National governments and global capital: a review and a recasting 2. Financial market influence on government policy: theory and hypotheses 3. Financial market influence in developed nations: a quantitative assessment 4. Financial market-government relations in emerging economies 5. Politics meets markets: domestic responses to financial market pressures 6. Alternative domestic responses: changes to financial market-government relations 7. History repeating itself? Financial markets and national government policies before the first World War 8. Financial market-government relations in the twenty-first century.

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Global Capital and National Governments

Throughout the twentieth century, much of the population in Latin America lacked access to social protection. Since the 1990s, however, social policy for millions of outsiders - rural, informal, and unemployed workers and dependents - has been expanded dramatically. Social Policy Expansion in Latin America shows that the critical factors driving expansion are electoral competition for the vote of outsiders and social mobilization for policy change. The balance of partisan power and the involvement of social movements in policy design explain cross-national variation in policy models, in terms of benefit levels, coverage, and civil society participation in implementation. The book draws on in-depth case studies of policy making in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico over several administrations and across three policy areas: health care, pensions, and income support. Secondary case studies illustrate how the theory applies to other developing countries.

Social Policy Expansion in Latin America

On 28 October 2018, far-right populist Jair Bolsonaro captured Brazil's presidency following a highly polarized runoff election against Workers' Party (PT) candidate Fernando Haddad. Multiple crises that have afflicted Brazil since 2013 and the blame Brazilians cast on establishment parties for these travails gave Bolsonaro his opening. Yet while prolonged economic recession, unprecedented corruption, and escalating crime rendered the PT and other major parties vulnerable, Bolsonaro leveraged his fringe status adroitly, sounding a "law and order" and anticorruption message that resonated strongly with the public. The incoming president's authoritarian leanings and illiberal rhetoric present concerns for Brazil's democracy.

/pdf/bolsonaro-and-brazil-s-illiberal-backlash-46fgvbot0s.pdf

Bolsonaro and Brazil's Illiberal Backlash

After 21 years of military rule, Brazil returned to democracy in 1985. Over the past decade and a half, Brazilians in the Nova Republica (New Republic) have struggled with a range of diverse challenges that have tested the durability and quality of the young democracy. How well have they succeeded? To what entent can we say that Brazilian democracy has consolidated? What actors, institutions and processes have emerged as most salient over the past 15 years? More than a decade has passed since the last collaborative effort to examine the regime changes in Brazil, and no work in English has yet provided a comprehensive appraisal of Brazilian democracy in the period since 1985. Covering the full period of the New Republic from Presidents Sarney to Cardoso, "Democratic Brazil" brings together twelve scholars, the "next generation of Brazilianists", with wide-ranging specialties including institutional analysis, state autonomy, federalism and decentralization, economic management and business-state relations, the military, the Catholic Church and the new religious pluralism, social movements, the left, regional integration, demographic change, and human rights and the rule of law. Each chapter focuses on a crucial process or actor in the New Republic, with emphasis on its relationship to democratic consolidation. The volume also contains a comprehensive bibliography on Brazilian politics and society since 1985. Prominent Brazilian historian Thomas Skidmore has contributed a foreword to the volume. Written in a clear, accessible style, the book is ideally suited for use in upper-level undergraduate courses and graduate seminars on Latin American politics and development.

Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes

The success of political efforts to create a more open economy in Brazil over the past decade has depended crucially on support from the industrial sector, which long enjoyed the benefits of protection by the state from economic competition. Why businesses previously so sheltered would back neoliberal reform, and why opposition arose at times from sectors least threatened by free trade, are the puzzles this book seeks to answer. Drawing on more than one hundred interviews with industrialists and business association representatives, as well as a wide range of other sources, Peter Kingstone argues that the key to understanding the behavior of industrialists lies in the impact of four factors on their preferences for reform: the effect of economic crisis on industrialists' perception of the viability of the earlier development model; the sectoral location of their firms in the economy and the advantages historically accruing therefrom; the adjustment options available to them given their position in the market; and the credibility of the government's promises about reform and its tactical choices for getting them implemented through the political system. The mix of these four factors, Kingstone shows, left business preferences relatively malleable and thus available for support of reform, even in the face of potentially high costs. Whether such support was forthcoming depended on industrialists' perceptions of the ability of government leaders to deliver on their promises. Widespread resistance to reform occurred when leaders lost their credibility. Under Fernando Collor's leadership, that credibility was never recovered; under Fernando Henrique Cardoso's, it was recovered through increasing concessions to industrialists on the character of the reform program.

Crafting Coalitions for Reform: Business Preferences, Political Institutions, and Neoliberal Reform in Brazil

As the world's fifth-largest country, Brazil presents a compelling example of democracy in action. In this sequel to their landmark study "Democratic Brazil", editors Peter Kingstone and Timothy Power have assembled a distinguished group of U.S.- and Brazilian-based scholars to assess the impact of competitive politics on Brazilian government, institutions, economics, and society.The 2002 election of Lula da Silva and his Worker's Party promised a radical shift toward progressive reform, transparency, and accountability, opposing the earlier centrist and market-oriented policies of the Cardoso government. But despite the popular support reflected in his 2006 reelection, many observers claim that Lula and his party have fallen short of their platform promises. They have moved to the center in their policies, done little to change the elitist political culture of the past, and have engaged in 'politics as usual' in executive-legislative relations, leading to allegations of corruption.Under these conditions, democracy in Brazil remains an enigma. Progress in some areas is offset by stagnation and regression in others: while the country has seen renewed economic growth and significant progress in areas of health care and education, the gap between rich and poor remains vast. Rampant crime, racial inequality, and a pandemic lack of personal security taint the vision of progress. These dilemmas make Brazil a particularly striking case for those interested in Latin America and democratization in general.

Democratic Brazil Revisited

The election of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva of the Brazilian Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT) in November 2002 triggered both trepidation and exultation. For observers on Wall Street, the election of a one-time Socialist and seemingly dedicated leftist president raised concerns about Lula da Silva's commitment to the market-oriented reforms and financial stability achieved by his predecessor, Fernando Henrique Cardoso (Party of Brazilian Social Democracy – PSDB). For the left in Brazil – and Latin America generally – the triumph of the PT represented a crucial victory for the forces of social justice, for participatory decision making, for honest and transparent governance, and most notably for a rejection of the neoliberal paradigm. As it turned out, there was little cause for either reaction. Lula da Silva has not been a firebrand leftist, promoting populist, redistributive policies regardless of the economic consequences. Nor has he introduced new modes of decision making that open the doors to social movements and other previously excluded – and presumably largely antineoliberal – voices. In fact, Lula's government has offered little to suggest the emergence of a clear leftist alternative to the Washington Consensus or a new political style as an alternative to Brazil's traditional pattern of coalition building and bargaining. Instead, the Lula da Silva administration, like the Cardoso administration before it, has embraced a generally market-oriented economic orientation and the traditional clientelistic rules of operating within Brazil's legislature ( fisiologismo ).

Leftist Governments in Latin America: From Cardoso to Lula: The Triumph of Pragmatism in Brazil

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Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes

Crafting Coalitions for Reform: Business Preferences, Political Institutions, and Neoliberal Reform in Brazil

Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes

Democratic Brazil Revisited

Leftist Governments in Latin America: From Cardoso to Lula: The Triumph of Pragmatism in Brazil