世界経済・社会統計 = World development indicators

We investigate whether income inequality affects subsequent growth in a cross-country sample for 1965-90, using the models of Barro (1997), Bleaney and Nishiyama (2002) and Sachs and Warner (1997), with negative results. We then investigate the evolution of income inequality over the same period and its correlation with growth. The dominating feature is inequality convergence across countries. This convergence has been significantly faster amongst developed countries. Growth does not appear to influence the evolution of inequality over time. Outline

https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/81822/1/02-28.pdf

Economic growth and income inequality

The End of History and the Last Man

Corruption and Growth

by Fritz Machlup. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1962. Pp. xx+416. $7.50. In this book Professor Machlup has twice defined knowledge as \"any human (or human-induced) activity designed to create, alter, or confirm in a human mind-one's own or anyone else's-a meaningful apperception, awareness, cognizance, or consciousness of whatever it may be.\" Though the term \"distribution\" appears in his title, it is in fact subsumed under knowledge production; Machlup is using \"distribution\" in the sense of knowledge transmission or diffusion as a process, which becomes part of \"production\" in economic analysis through exactly the same logic that identifies retailing, for example, as an economically \"productive\" activity. Knowledge production is thus defined to include many types of activities: transporting (e.g., postal services), transforming, data-processing, interpreting, and analyzing, as well as the original creation of new knowledge by discovery or invention. Machlup's concern is with three tasks: 1. A reasoned introductory presentation of concepts and types of knowledge. This analysis provides the broad framework and criteria for selection of what is to be included as knowledge-producing. 2. The measurement of the components of knowledge production and its share in gross national product or national income. This task occupies the bulk of the book. 3. The presentation of a program of school reform. Although the definition of knowledge cuts an exceedingly wide swath, Machlup narrows his task to manageable proportions by

The Production and Distribution of Knowledge in the United States.

new dataset for charting the development of global inequality between 1820 and 2000 is presented, based on a large variety of sources and methods for estimating (gross household) income inequality. On this basis we estimate the evolution of global income inequality over the past two centuries. Two sets of benchmarks about between-country inequality (the Maddison 1990 benchmark and the recent 2005 ICP round) are taken into account. We find that between 1820 and 1950, increasing per capita income is combined with increasing global inequality. After 1950, global inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient or the Theil index remains more or less constant. It also appears that the global income distribution was uni-modal in the nineteenth century, became increasingly bi-modal between 1910 and 1970 with two world wars, a depression and de-globalization, and was suddenly transformed back into a uni-modal distribution between 1980 and 2000.

/pdf/the-changing-shape-of-global-inequality-1820-2000-exploring-31avb2nd3h.pdf

The changing shape of global inequality 1820-2000 : exploring a new dataset

This chapter focuses on income inequality as measured by gross (i.e. pre-tax) household income across individuals within a country. It builds upon a number of large-scale initiatives to chart income inequality trends over time, supplementing them with data on wages and heights for the earlier period. Income inequality trends follow a U-shape in most Western European countries and the Western Offshoots. It declined between the end of the 19th century until about 1970, followed by a rise. In Eastern Europe, communism resulted in strong declines in income inequality, followed by a sharp increase after its disintegration in the 1980s. In other parts of the world (China in particular) income inequality is on the rise recently. The chapter also provides evidence on the global income distribution, i.e. assuming all people belong to the same community. This distribution was unimodal in the 19th century, became increasingly bi-modal between 1910 and 1970 and suddenly reverted back into a unimodal distribution between 1980 and 2000.

https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/305705/15.pdf?sequence=1

Income inequality since 1820

In this paper we estimate inequality in Indonesia between 1932 and 1999. There was an increase in inequality at the start of this period but then a sharp decline from the 1960s. A shift from domestic to export agriculture over the period up to the Great Depression accounts for the increase in inequality. During the 1930s, as the price of export crops declined, the income of rich farmers suffered a blow. Yet, this was counterbalanced by increasing gap between expenditure in the urban and rural sectors, causing an over-all rise in inequality. As for the second half of the century, we find that the employment shift towards manufacturing and services, combined with an increase in labour productivity in agriculture, accounts for the decline in inequality. These inequality trends had an effect on poverty as well, but prior to the 1940s the negative impact of the rise in inequality was offset by an increase in per capita GDP. Between 1950 and 1980 a decline in inequality, combined with increased per capita GDP rapidly raised a large portion of the population above the poverty line.

The Development of inequality and poverty in Indonesia, 1932-1999

Central and Eastern Europe is a region with widely divergent development paths. Until World War II, these countries experienced comparable growth patterns. Whereas Austria and West Germany remained part of the capitalist West and underwent periods of rapid growth, other countries, under state socialist regimes, experienced, on average, far lower growth rates. The lack of data, however, often limits the possibilities of a detailed, quantitative analysis. In this paper, we use a new data set on physical and human capital in seven Central and East European countries for the period 1920-2006 to calculate their effect on economic growth. In addition, we analyze the effect of including the quality of education in human capital. This allows us to perform a growth accounting analysis with the several production factors for Central Europe between 1920 and the present. The difference in growth path across countries is partly explained by differences in technical efficiency.

/pdf/capital-accumulation-and-growth-in-central-europe-1920-2006-59htjbiqqb.pdf

Capital Accumulation and Growth in Central Europe, 1920-2006

Personal security reflects a crucial component of well-being. This chapter relies on homicide rates (the number of intentional deaths per 100 000 inhabitants) to trace changes of violence in time and space. It finds that Western Europe was already quite peaceful from the 19th century onwards, but homicide rates in the United States have been high by comparison. Large parts of Latin America and Africa are also violent crime "hotspots", and so is the former Soviet Union (especially since the fall of communism), while large parts of Asia show low homicide rates. Homicide rates are in general negatively correlated with GDP per capita – the richer a country, the lower the level, but there are important exceptions. In addition, the chapter describes changes in the probability that a random individual lives in a country experiencing an armed internal or external conflict.

/pdf/personal-security-since-1820-4xgbznnsra.pdf

Personal security since 1820

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