In Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson, henceforth AJR, (2001), we advanced the hypothesis that the mortality rates faced by Europeans in different parts of the world after 1500 affected their willingness to establish settlements and choice of colonization strategy. Places that were relatively healthy (for Europeans) were—when they fell under European control—more likely to receive better economic and political institutions. In contrast, places where European settlers were less likely to go were more likely to have “extractive” institutions imposed. We also posited that this early pattern of institutions has persisted over time and influences the extent and nature of institutions in the modern world. On this basis, we proposed using estimates of potential European settler mortality as an instrument for institutional variation in former European colonies today. Data on settlers themselves are unfortunately patchy—particularly because not many went to places they believed, with good reason, to be most unhealthy. We therefore followed the lead of Curtin (1989 and 1998) who compiled data on the death rates faced by European soldiers in various overseas postings. 1 Curtin’s data were based on pathbreaking data collection and statistical work initiated by the British military in the mid-nineteenth century. These data became part of the foundation of both contemporary thinking about public health (for soldiers and for civilians) and the life insurance industry (as actuaries and executives considered the

/pdf/the-colonial-origins-of-comparative-development-an-empirical-4a7vtfps9i.pdf

The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation

This article uses the different mortality rates of European colonialists to estimate the effect of institutions on economic performance. Europeans adopted very different colonization policies in different colonies. In places where mortality rates were high they did not settle, but set up extractive institutions that exist to the present day. By exploring the different mortality rates faced by soldiers, bishops and sailors in the colonies in the 17th, 18th and 19th Centuries, we were able to estimate the long-term effect of colonial institutions on per capita income.

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/nber_w7771.pdf?abstractid=235727&mirid=1

Education for moral life has, until recently, been a primary aim of American schooling. In this essay, it is argued that the aim itself is appropriate but that our conception of morality needs revision. Caring is suggested both as a moral orientation to teaching and as an aim of moral education. After a brief discussion of ethics of caring, four components of a model for moral education are described: modeling, dialogue, practice, and confirmation. Use of this model requires that teachers and students spend more time together so that relations of trust may be established. Finally, the perspective of caring is used to make recommendations on research for teaching.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/1085252.pdf

An Ethic of Caring and Its Implications for Instructional Arrangements.

1. Introduction: institutions and ethnic politics Part I. Accounting for the Ethnic Cleavage Structure: 2. Accounting for Zambia's ethnic cleavage structure I: the emergence of tribal identities in colonial Northern Rhodesia 3. Accounting for Zambia's ethnic cleavage structure II: the emergence of language identities in colonial Northern Rhodesia Part II. Accounting for Ethnic Coalition-Building Choices: 4. Ethnicity and ethnic politics in post-independence Zambia 5. Explaining changing patterns of ethnic politics Part III. Testing the Model: 6. Competing explanations 7. Ethnic campaigning: testing the observable implications of the model for elite behavior 8. Ethnic voting: testing the observable implications of the model for mass behavior Part IV. Beyond Zambia: 9. Regime change and ethnic politics in Africa 10. Beyond regime change, beyond Africa Appendix A. Native authorities and tribal identifications Appendix B. Survey and focus group methodologies Appendix C. Tribal affiliations of parliamentary candidates Appendix D. Tribal demographies of electoral constituencies.

/pdf/institutions-and-ethnic-politics-in-africa-43ag877dp2.pdf

Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa

Why Not a Political Coase Theorem? Social Conflict, Commitment and Politics

Colonialism in Africa 1870-1960

African Proconsuls: European Governors in Africa

Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960

Burden of Empire: An Appraisal of Western Colonialism in Africa South of the Sahara

The economics of colonialism

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