Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism

萨义德以其独特的双重身份,对西方中心权力话语做了分析,通过对文学作品、演讲演说等文本的解读,将O rie n ta lis m——"东方学",做了三重释义:一门学科、一种思维方式和一种权力话语系统,对东方学权力话语做了系统的批判,同时将东方学放入空间维度对东方学文本做了细致的解读。

萨义德的“Orientalism”释义

Jasbir Puar's ambitious book offers a densely woven web of engagements with key debates in queer theory. The central focus is the multiple biopolitical configurations of sex, sexuality, race, and gender that have been unleashed by the war on terror, examining how the limited extension of civil rights for lesbians and gay men in the USA and Europe has allowed the USA and its allies to present the continuing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan as human rights missions against `backward' Islamic states that oppress women and gay men. She suggests sexual freedom is no longer perverse, but a strand of US and British exceptionalism that provides the `moral authority' to intervene in the affairs of other states. Puar argues that, by accepting their new civil rights, gay people in the USA become complicit in war and imperialism. Her work seeks to `̀ exhume the convivial relations'' (page xiv) between queerness and militarism. And she does mean `queerness'; Puar maintains that it is not just assimilated gay people who are complicit, but also transgressive queers who, she suggests, too frequently elide their own class and racial privilege. In this context, Puar's work extends recent debates surrounding homonormativity, moving away from a class-centred critique of the ways in which certain lesbian and gay populations have been incorporated into mainstream consumption, and refocusing the terms of the debate around homonationalism, or the ways in which lesbians and gay men (in the USA) have become aligned with the interests of the state. While her argument may be valid for the USA, I found Puar's attempt to extend her analysis to a European context both challenging and less convincing. Terrorist Assemblages opens with an interrogation of the links between contemporary homonationalism and biopolitics. The rise of homonationalism is then explored further through an excavation of the `sexuality of terrorism'. This chapter charts the trajectories of different sexualised discourses in the years since 9/11, noting how queer and feminist critiques have frequently, if unwittingly, reproduced imperialist representations of the queer sexualities of terrorists. This theme is pursued subsequently through a discussion of US sexual exceptionalism and how, in the aftermath of the revelations of torture at Abu Ghraib, Muslim masculinities were represented through a number of contradictory frames, as simultaneously `̀ sexually excessive and repressive'' (page xxv). Although these initial chapters highlight the conservative consequences of US homonationalism, the third chapter examines the simultaneous production of queer, liberal subjects through a discussion of the debates surrounding the decriminalisation of sodomy in the USA in 2003. Puar argues that celebratory queer readings of the 2003 Lawrence v Texas ruling, framed as it was on an assumption that same-sex couples are worthy of having their domestic privacy protected from state surveillance, only stand up if they ignore the biopolitical economies of control and the intensified surveillance of other bodies unleashed by the US Patriot Act. The exploration of queer, liberal subject formations is extended through a discussion of the pressures on South Asian queer diasporas in the USA to conform to homonormative imperatives. In this final chapter, Puar begins an affective reading of the troubling and confusing bodies of turban-wearing Sikh Americans (who are frequently mistaken for Muslim terrorists). This affective approach is intensified in the conclusion of the book, where Puar proposes rethinking queerness as neither identity, nor anti-identity, but as a spatially and temporally contingent assemblage with a focus on becoming; a queerness that offers corporeal convergences beyond intersectionality, attuning instead to the movements, intensities, and energies inhabiting events, spaces, and corporealities. She seeks a queerness that challenges the fixity of racial and sexual taxonomies that can be measured and used to separate us from them. This queerness deprivileges the queer/not queer binary, moving beyond an approach that is exclusively resistant and dissenting, to one that acknowledges its own complicity in the production Reviews Environment and Planning A 2008, volume 40, pages 2791 ^ 2792

Review: Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times

Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International

The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention Piers Robinson London: Routledge, 2002 192 pp $2395 The author of The CNN Effect brings intellectual honesty and insightful observations to one of the most current versions of the debate about the power, or lack of power, of mass communication Piers Robinson, a lecturer in political communication in the School of Politics and Communication Studies at the University of Liverpool, asks if intense mass media coverage of humanitarian crises can, on occasion, compel governments to intervene with the use, or threat of use, of force The author's intellectual honesty becomes evident as he first considers cases widely regarded as clear-cut examples of the CNN effect, but that on closer examination, show little or no effect of media coverage on policymaker decisions Unlike theorists who blithely dismiss contradictory cases as misleading or hegemonic, Robinson uses these cases to challenge commonsense notions and to extend and refine his own explanations for the CNN effect Robinson begins with cases widely regarded as evidence of the power of the news media, not just CNN, to provoke responses by both Western audiences and political elites The 1991 US Operation Provide Comfort in northern Iraq and the 1992 Operation Restore Hope in Somalia are both cases of military intervention in areas that were without traditional "national interest" such as business investments or oil Instead, these "humanitarian" interventions were to signal a post-Cold War New World Order In spite of policymaker insistence that television images of starvation and suffering in Somalia prompted a military response, Robinson provides evidence that media coverage increased dramatically only after the decision to intervene Media coverage, in this case, served a "manufacturing consent" role that supported military intervention Another case widely regarded as supporting the CNN effect was US military intervention in northern Iraq to help mitigate the suffering of the Kurdish refugees who were trapped in the mountains between Iraq and Turkey Conventional wisdom was that compelling images of human suffering forced the United States to reverse its policy of nonintervention in internal Iraqi affairs Robinson argues that US policy reversed not because of television coverage but instead to reward the Turkish government for its loyalty during Operation Desert Storm While appearing to be in response to critical media coverage, the US "no fly zone" was designed primarily to draw the Iraqi Kurds away from the Turkish border into Iraqi refugee camps Robinson does not simply discard the CNN effect hypothesis (powerful media), or throw his support behind the "manufacturing consent" hypothesis (subservient media) on the basis of these two cases …

The CNN Effect: The Myth of News, Foreign Policy and Intervention

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Popular geopolitical assemblages : BBC radio and foreign news