As higher education seeks to become more socially responsive, the public agenda is one form that has taken root in explicating the relation of higher education to society. In this paper, we critically analyze two different instantiations of the public agenda for higher education, placing them against the backdrop of what Michael Apple (2006a) calls the conservative modernization of education. We demonstrate how these examples fall victim to and perpetuate the conservative modernization of the academy and argue for ways of incorporating critical perspectives into the generative process of constructing the public agenda for higher education.

/pdf/the-role-of-critical-inquiry-in-re-constructing-the-public-4gf3m9lp15.pdf

The Role of Critical Inquiry in (Re)constructing the Public Agenda for Higher Education: Confronting the Conservative Modernization of the Academy

‘No problem’. When Sharon Todd began her own INPE Conference Special Issue editorial (Todd 2014) with this Amharic idiom, she recalled the attitude of calm, generosity, hospitality, graciousness ev...

Old and new generations in the 21st century: shifting landscapes of education

This study analyzes the rapidly changing nature of the relationship between state and religion in Turkey between 2002 and 2012. In the process, it examines the range of opinions on and the different representations of this relationship in the Turkish social milieu. The study deploys a framework based on the center-periphery cleavage to depict the changing patterns of polarization and conflict resolution during this period. 
The study suggests that the social cleavages between the center and the periphery are prominent factors shaping discussions on the state’s interaction with religion. The power struggle derives from the center’s desire to extend its previous privileges and advantages, and the periphery’s determination to share in the same benefits. That the periphery has gained more social capital since the 1980s has fueled these interactions. In the struggle, the Justice and Development Party government has represented the periphery, whereas the Republican People’s Party, the military, the universities, and the higher judiciary have represented the center.
The study focuses on two main cases to explore the trend of this relationship: the teaching of religion by the state, and the rights of religious minorities, including non-Muslim communities and Alevi groups. In general, the Turkish state has taken a similar approach to all religious groups. At the beginning of the new century, the state was skeptical about religious activities, perceiving them as a threat to its sovereignty, especially its secular structure. Thus demands of Islamic groups were perceived as a threat to secularism, while non-Muslims’ demands were seen as a threat to Turkish nationalism. Responses to these demands, especially between 2007 and 2012, proved that these fears were exaggerated.
Overall, despite constant changes through the years, Turkey has never insisted on a complete separation of religion from the state, even in its most secular phase. The time period examined, 2002-2012, witnessed what might be called a “normalization” of the state/religion relationship – that is, religion is no longer viewed as a threat to the state, nor is the state seen as a threat to religion.

/pdf/state-politics-and-religion-effects-of-political-and-social-l9gftz3wo2.pdf

State, politics, and religion: Effects of political and social change on the relationship between state and religion in Turkey, 2002-2012

In their quest for universally applicable methods, modern teacher educators have often downplayed teacher identity, including a teacher’s worldview or faith. From a postmodern perspective, however, the connections between teachers’ identities and practices are being recognized and explored more as the two elements are increasingly being seen as interdependent and virtually inseparable. To explore how students understand this connection, the authors surveyed 58 teacher education students at a Christian university to discover the connections they foresaw between their teaching practices and their faith or worldview. The authors found that while most students did not perceive their faith or worldview directly informing their pedagogical methods or curriculum, the majority of them did foresee indirect ways of integrating their faith or worldview in the classroom. The major way students saw the two connecting involved the teaching or moral virtue. The authors make suggestions as to how teacher educators can develop these connections by educating students about constitutionally appropriate ways to integrate the study of religion and character education in public schools.

/pdf/the-impact-and-implications-of-faith-or-worldview-in-the-5g40ymezt7.pdf

THE IMPACT AND IMPLICATIONS OF FAITH OR WORLDVIEW IN THE CLASSROOM The Priority and Importance of Character

/pdf/a-narrative-inquiry-into-the-experiences-of-evangelical-205l74tse3.pdf

A Narrative Inquiry Into the Experiences of Evangelical Christians Leading in Public Schools During Culture War Skirmishes

Religion and American Education: Rethinking a National Dilemma; By Warren A. Nord Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1995. 481 pp. $49.95, $19.95 (pb)

through to the early nineteenth century. Examinations of various publication projects, academies and societies suggest that laypeople were as interested in theological matters as ministers, and that the Unitarian message reached skilled tradespeople. That said, the very character of Rational Dissent ‘rendered the extension of its message to the poor and unlettered a difficult task’ (p. ). Unitarianism continued to formalise into a denomination, though this was in continual tension with the enduring emphasis on individual interpretation of Scripture. Similarly, the divergence between Unitarian and Arian continued apace, such that by the early nineteenth century the term ‘Rational Dissent’ had fallen out of usage, while Arianism was ‘disappearing from public view, overshadowed by Unitarian publications and organisations’ (p. ). Overall, Smith emphasises the need to get beyond the focus on the luminaries of Rational Dissent, Price and Priestley, to make an assessment of its general character. This leads to greater coverage of lay and female Rational Dissenters, and a sense that while ‘the evolution of theological ideas amongst Rational Dissenters stemmed principally from small intellectual elites, its appeal extended beyond this to skilled craftsmen, manufacturers and merchants’ (pp. –). Rational Dissenters were unified by being subject to ‘vehemently hostile perceptions’ yet at the same time there was space for ‘individual diversity in the details of doctrine and practice’ (p. ). Certain core beliefs on liberty of conscience, universal toleration and patriotism were universally held, but the ‘key conclusion’ of Smith’s study was the ‘overwhelmingly theological nature’ of Rational Dissent, in contrast with the ‘secular focus’ of much current scholarship (p. ). The identity of Rational Dissent was constructed through response to uncomprehending hostility; Smith views her subject as a case study, of wider significance, in the identity formation of a minority group subject to majority criticism. Rational Dissenters emerges out of Valerie Smith’s PhD dissertation, which she undertook in later life. Sadly, she died before the project was completed, and the book was ushered through the press by her brother David Hopkins and G. M. Ditchfield. The circumstances of the book’s publication explain a few unpolished elements and it seems churlish to criticise these. One larger issue which might be observed – which Smith was alert to – is that reliance upon Eighteenth Century Collections Online forces researchers into the arbitrary end point of , with no comparable database of digitised nineteenth-century books. This can lead to imbalances of interpretations. But we should be glad that we have gained a thorough study, based on much painstaking archival and statistical research, that contributes something significant to our understanding of Rational Dissent.

Mark Twain. Preacher, prophet, and social philosopher. By Gary Scott Smith. (Spiritual Lives.) Pp. xvi + 251. Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. £30. 978 0 19 289492 2

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Religion and American Education: Rethinking a National Dilemma; By Warren A. Nord Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1995. 481 pp. $49.95, $19.95 (pb)

Mark Twain. Preacher, prophet, and social philosopher. By Gary Scott Smith. (Spiritual Lives.) Pp. xvi + 251. Oxford–New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. £30. 978 0 19 289492 2