/pdf/food-and-agricultural-organization-of-the-united-nations-151qubr5t3.pdf

Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations.

This thesis addresses the question of how states, meaning organised political communities, were historically able to secure their sovereignty through gaining the recognition of other states. As sovereignty refers to the presence of a state’s authority, its existence is premised on states and other internal and external actors recognising claims to sovereignty. Therefore, states, such as the Ottoman Empire, which historically had a different understanding of legitimacy, faced challenges to their sovereignty following the emergence of new global understandings of sovereignty in the late nineteenth century. The Ottoman Empire was distinct in that it was the only Islamic state that was not subject to and was able to avoid completely falling under the influence of then-dominant European states. However, the Ottoman Empire still experienced European intervention and there was a desire to end forms of European extraterritorial jurisdiction. Ottoman elites, who were affiliated with the reformist Young Turks, sought to secure recognition of their state’s sovereignty by reconstituting it along novel international standards of legitimate statehood. These standards were based on the concepts of “civilised”, “militarist”, “popular” and “national” statehood, and were reinterpreted by the Young Turks in the course of their efforts to secure the recognition of European powers. These efforts included diplomacy with European powers, institutional reform and conceptual innovation. However, it also involved engaging in practices associated with sovereignty such as the control of territory. In all of these areas, the Young Turks reinterpreted aspects of the existing Ottoman legacy of statehood and international norms, to secure their claim to sovereignty. Therefore, the Ottoman state elites sought to convey an impression of governing a state that could be recognised as sovereign by other European powers. Ultimately, the remnants of the Young Turks, secured international recognition of their state, reconstituted as the nation-state of Turkey in 1923.

Reconstituting sovereignty: the Young Turks’ efforts to secure external recognition and the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey, 1908 - 1923

Deconstructing ethnic conflict and sovereignty in explanatory international relations : the case of Iraqi Kurdistan and the PKK

This dissertation makes visible the neglected economic dimensions of the interventions by interwar international institutions in three cases: the League of Nations’ intervention in the dispute between Turkey and the French Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon over the province of Alexandretta (1936), the dispute between Turkey and the British Mandate of Iraq over the province of Mosul (1925), and the technical assistance missions of the International Labour Organization (ILO) to Egypt (1931). To different degrees, international legal institutions were involved in nation-building projects in the interwar Middle East, over-determining “the problem of nationalities” at the expense of other factors. These three episodes problematize the absence of “class” as an analytical category in both critical international legal scholarship and the actual politics of international institutions, and similarly the inattention to the struggle over capital that operated beneath the legal mechanisms used by the League and the ILO. They show the specificities of the Arab semi-periphery that reflected the nationalist anger and revolutionary anti-colonialism of the periphery and yet served, at the same time, as ideal places for capital accumulation and foreign investments from the core countries. Therefore, the episodes presented in this dissertation illuminate the ways in which class society and capital accumulation together

Nation and Class Subjectivity in International Law and its Institutions in the Middle East (1919-1939)

Kurdish Diaspora: A Transnational Imagined Community

From 1921 to 1923, Turkey and the United Kingdom contended for control of the Vilayet of Mosul, now known as northern Iraq. The United Kingdom was the mandatory power in Iraq at that time. Although this crisis, which is known as the Mosul affair, was settled in 1925 in favour of Iraq, Turkey never totally relinquished its historical claim to this strategically important border region. Turkey's persistent claim to the area, and the fact that the region is predominantly inhabited by Kurds whose nationalism shows no signs of waning, make northern Iraq a potentially destabilizing factor in the region. The article will discuss the historical roots of Mosul frontier affairs, which is a legacy of colonialism in the Middle East. This international conflict has many dimensions, but the article will confine itself to the study of the distinguished career of Ali Shafiq, also known as Ozdemir, a Turkish statesman and the architect of Turkish policy during the Mosul affair. This is, to a large extent, a politi...

The career of Ozdemir: a Turkish bid for northern Iraq, 1921–1923

https://kujss.iraqjournals.com/article_42856_e7ea4b95aca755cef183d1095939c53b.pdf

Effect of forest exposure on nutrient balance in oak (Qurecus aegilops)

This study was conducted to identify the mineralogical properties of oak forest and un-cultivated soils at 12 locations in the Iraqi Kurdistan region, which included (Brifca, Gara, and Matin) in Duhok governorate, (Awagrd, Bilah, and Malakan) in Erbil governorate, (Badawan, Bardanga, and Chwarta) in Sulaimani Governorate and (Bakhakon, Hawar, and Sartak) in Halabja governorate. Clay minerals were identified from X-ray diffraction data and peaks. Peak height is used as a rough indicator of the relative abundance of minerals. In general, the expansion of 14A to 17A in ethylene glycol treatment was not detected because measuring started from 5 so thats why we cannot be differentiated between Chlorite and Smectite in that treatment. Swelling chlorite was the dominant mineral in these soils. While the miner clay mineral at that locations were Kaolinite. Mica was identified at all locations, while the dominant type of Mica at forest soils was Muscovite which was obtained from 6 sites, while Mica Biotite was obtained from 4 sites, but in un-cultivated sites, both types of mica recorded at 5 sites.

/pdf/comparison-between-mineralogical-properties-of-oak-forest-52w5x1qaya.pdf

Comparison between Mineralogical Properties of Oak Forest and Un-Cultivated Soils in Iraqi Kurdistan Region

Since the beginning of the third millennium, Turkey has taken a completely different foreign policy from previous decades towards different regions, taking advantage of the changes that the world had witnessed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Turkey could not afford to remain unconcerned by the changes which occurred in the political landscape of the world.  These changes have provided opportunities for Turkey to readjust its foreign policy from isolationist posture to an aggressive one especially in the regions which are historically tied, and geographically adjacent to Turkey .The change in the political system and its political orientation necessitated change in the objectives of the foreign policy of Turkey. Turkey has been trying to avail itself from the new changes to achieve the status of a middle power. One of the areas which Turkey tries during era of the Party of Development and Justice to invest in a lot politically and economically, especially after 2011 is the Middle East. We set out in our research to test Turkish foreign policy from lens of balancing versus bandwagoning. We maintain Turkish foreign policy under period of our study is based more on bandwagon approach rather than on balancing the threat of Russia. The methodology of this study is a mixed one; historical, descriptive, and content analysis. We followed chronological approach in the study to a large extent.

/pdf/turkish-foreign-policy-2002-2015-search-for-a-status-as-a-3ksaqlwfvz.pdf

Turkish foreign policy 2002-2015: search for a status as a regional power in the middle east

During the Cold War, the neo-realist theory emerged, which had an important role in enriching Russian foreign policy, as it showed Russia’s desire in creating a multipolar world on the one hand, and its awareness of regional and global issues on the other. The neo-realist theory is based on the fact that the international communities and international relations of the states are in conflict. State actors pursue policies that intered to increase the power of the state and exploit it in line with its interests and strategy, regardless of its impact on the interests of other countries.
The adoption of the neo-realist theory is important, especially the vision of Stephen Walt, who is one of the most important theorists of this school, who looks at the change in the behavior of Russian foreign policy in the post-2011 period in the Middle East in general and Syria in particular from the perspective of neorealism.
Accordingly, the position and military intervention carried out by Russia on Syrian territory was a significant turning point in the history of Russian foreign policy in the Middle East, and this intervention is the first test of the Russian power aimed at restoring its status outside its territory, i.e., the countries neighboring Russia, and also reflects its ability to Compet with the United States of America in a region of strategic importance such as Syria.
In conclusion, it can be said that the development of Russian foreign policy and its transition from the stage of ideological bases to realism and pragmatism is what characterized the period of President Vladimir Putin’s rule, specifically in Syria after 2011.

Russian Foreign Policy in Syria 2011 to 2017: Neo-Realist Perspective

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