Extensively revised and updated, this second edition provides, in an A-Z format, an analysis of the most important generalizations that have been made on the unidirectional change of grammatical forms and constructions. Based on the analysis of more than 1,000 languages, it reconstructs over 500 processes of grammatical change in the languages of the world, including East Asian languages such as Chinese, Korean and Japanese. Readers are provided with the tools to discover how lexical and grammatical meanings can be related to one another in a principled way, how such issues as polysemy, heterosemy, and transcategoriality are dealt with, and why certain linguistic forms have simultaneous lexical and grammatical functions. Definitions of lexical concepts are provided with examples from a broad variety of languages, and references to key relevant research literature. Linguists and other scholars will gain a better understanding of languages on a worldwide scale.

/pdf/world-lexicon-of-grammaticalization-20jp10wyuv.pdf

World Lexicon of grammaticalization

This paper investigates the way that linguistic expressions influence vagueness, focusing on the interpretation of the positive (unmarked) form of gradable adjectives. I begin by developing a semantic analysis of the positive form of ‘relative’ gradable adjectives, expanding on previous proposals by further motivating a semantic basis for vagueness and by precisely identifying and characterizing the division of labor between the compositional and contextual aspects of its interpretation. I then introduce a challenge to the analysis from the class of ‘absolute’ gradable adjectives: adjectives that are demonstrably gradable, but which have positive forms that relate objects to maximal or minimal degrees, and do not give rise to vagueness. I argue that the truth conditional difference between relative and absolute adjectives in the positive form stems from the interaction of lexical semantic properties of gradable adjectives—the structure of the scales they use—and a general constraint on interpretive economy that requires truth conditions to be computed on the basis of conventional meaning to the extent possible, allowing for context dependent truth conditions only as a last resort.

/pdf/vagueness-and-grammar-the-semantics-of-relative-and-absolute-4fhroy6ika.pdf

Vagueness and grammar: the semantics of relative and absolute gradable adjectives

Emotion and Meaning in Music

Contributors. Introduction. Part I: Derivation Versus Representation:. 1. Explaining Morphosyntactic Competition: Joan Bresnan (Stanford University). 2. Economy Conditions in Syntax: Chris Collins (Cornell University). 3. Derivation and Representation in Modern Transformational Syntax: Howard Lasnik (University of Connecticut). 4. Relativized Minimality Effects: Luigi Rizzi (Universite de Geneve). Part II: Movement:. 5. Head Movement: Ian Roberts (University of Stuttgart). 6. Object Shift and Scrambling: Hoskuldur Thrainsson (University of Iceland). 7. Wh--in--situ Languages: Akira Watanabe (University of Tokyo). 8. A--Movements: Mark Baltin (New York University). Part III: Argument Structure and Phrase Structure:. 9. Thematic Relations in Syntax: Jeffrey S. Gruber (independent scholar). 10. Predication: John Bowers (Cornell University). 11. Case: Hiroyuki Ura. 12. Phrase Structure: Naoki Fukui (University of California). 13. The Natures of Nonconfigurationality: Mark C. Baker (McGill University). 14. What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Can't, but not Why: Kyle Johnson (University of Massachusetts at Amherst). Part IV: Functional Projections:. 15. Agreement Projections: Adriana Belletti (Universita di Siena). 16. Sentential Negation: Raffaella Zanuttini (Georgetown University). 17. The DP Hypothesis: Identifying Clausal Properties in the Nominal Domain: Judy B. Bernstein (Syracuse University). 18. The Structure of DPs: Some Principles, Parameters and Problems: Giuseppe Longobardi (University of Trieste). Part V: Interface With Interpretation:. 19. The Syntax of Scope: Anna Szabolcsi (New York University). 20. Deconstructing Binding: Eric Reuland and Martin Everaert (both Utrecht Institute of Linguistics). 21. Syntactic Reconstruction Effects: Andrew Barss (University of Arizona). Part VI: External Evaluation of Syntax:. 22. Syntactic Change: Anthony S. Kroch (University of Pennsylvania). 23. Setting Syntactic Parameters: Janet Dean Fodor (City University of New York). Bibliography. Index.

The handbook of contemporary syntactic theory

Sadock and Zwicky (1985) define clause types as a pairing of grammatical form and conversational use.' In this paper we discuss exclamatives within the context of this notion of clause type. We argue that exclamatives are not a purely semantic or pragmatic category expressed by a variety of unrelated syntactic forms; rather, the diverse realizations of exclamatives all share certain syntactic characteristics. These represent the defining semantic properties of this clause type. Thus, ours is a study of the syntaxlsemantic interface and its application to the study of exclamatives, and to the notion of clause types more generally. The syntactic part of our claim is both interesting and difficult because of the diversity of forms which are plausibly to be categorized as exclamatives. Consider, for example:

/pdf/exclamative-clauses-at-the-syntax-semantics-interface-50w1gspwse.pdf

Exclamative Clauses: At the Syntax-Semantics Interface

In this article I present evidence for Bresnan's (1973) proposal that there is an underlying QP within the adjective phrase and that a distinction should be made between two types of functional degree words, Deg (heading DegP) and Q (heading QP). The evidence comes from so-pronominalization phenomena in English adjective phrases. I show that in certain pronominalization contexts a dummy adjectival element much is inserted in the functional Q position. This phenomenon of much-support is similar to the phenomenon of do-support in the verbal domain. I further argue that much-insertion is blocked in contexts in which the more economical A-to-Q raising operation can apply.

Much-support as a last resort

The syntax of left branch extractions

This paper is concerned with the phrase structural and word order properties of the (extended) adjectival projection, a phrase structural domain which has received relatively little attention in the generative literature. Focusing on the internal syntax of Dutch adjective phrases, I will come to the following conclusions. First, there is a strong empirical (and theoretical) basis for extending the functional head hypothesis to the adjectival system (i.e. for adopting the DegP-hypothesis). Secondly, a distinction should be made between two types of functional degree categories: Deg(P) and Q(P). This split is represented structurally, with Deg selecting QP and Q selecting AP (the split degree system hypothesis). Thirdly, there is empirical support for the existence of a third functional projection, AgrP, within the adjectival domain. Fourthly, as regards directionality of headedness within the Dutch functional system, it is concluded that Deg and Q take their complements to the right, whereas Agr takes its complement to the left. It is proposed that this asymmetry of headedness within the functional structure of the adjectival projection relates to the nominal orientation of Deg and Q and the verbal orientation of Agr. Finally, three movement operations will be identified within the Dutch adjectival system: A-to-Q raising, A-to-Agr raising and leftward scrambling. The latter two are at the basis of the word order variation which is found within the Dutch adjectival system.

The Internal Syntax of the Dutch Extended Adjectival Projection

The main theoretical subject of this paper is the symmetry between nominal and verbal projections. It is demonstrated that predication exists in the nominal domain, in a way quite similar to predication in the clausal domain. An analysis of predication in a configurational way – such that the subject and the predicate together constitute a small clause – makes it possible to provide detailed analyses of complex nominal constructions involving predication, and predicate inversion in particular. This paper focusses on three construction types from Dutch: the N-VAN-EEN-N construction (EEN BEER VAN EEN KEREL ’a bear of a guy‘), the WAT-VOOR construction (WAT VOOR EEN KEREL ’what kind of guy‘), and the WAT-EEN exclamative (WAT EEN KEREL ’what a guy‘). Another aspect of symmetry concerns the fact that the nature of the functional projections in the nominal domain is not significantly different from that of functional projections in the clausal domain. For instance, it is argued that copular elements and complementisers are not peculiar to the clausal domain, but that these are found in the nominal domain as well.

/pdf/predication-in-nominal-phrases-4x14t3mest.pdf

Predication in Nominal Phrases

Organizing Grammar. Linguistic Studies in Honor of Henk van Riemsdijk

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