There is, I think, something ethereal about i —the square root of minus one. I remember first hearing about it at school. It seemed an odd beast at that time—an intruder hovering on the edge of reality.

Usually familiarity dulls this sense of the bizarre, but in the case of i it was the reverse: over the years the sense of its surreal nature intensified. It seemed that it was impossible to write mathematics that described the real world in …

I and i

다중혈관 관상동맥 환자에서 y-문합을 이용하여 양쪽 내흉동맥만을 사용한 우회술의 조기 성적

Output per worker varies enormously across countries. Why? On an accounting basis, our analysis shows that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker--we find a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries. At a deeper level, we document that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which we call social infrastructure. We treat social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured in part by language.

/pdf/why-do-some-countries-produce-so-much-more-output-per-worker-r25pge75qn.pdf

Why Do Some Countries Produce so Much More Output Per Worker than Others

Output per worker varies enormously across countries. Why? On an accounting basis our analysis shows that differences in physical capital and educational attainment can only partially explain the variation in output per worker—we find a large amount of variation in the level of the Solow residual across countries. At a deeper level, we document that the differences in capital accumulation, productivity, and therefore output per worker are driven by differences in institutions and government policies, which we call social infrastructure. We treat social infrastructure as endogenous, determined historically by location and other factors captured in part by language. In 1988 output per worker in the United States was more than 35 times higher than output per worker in Niger. In just over ten days the average worker in the United States produced as much as an average worker in Niger produced in an entire year. Explaining such vast differences in economic performance is one of the fundamental challenges of economics. Analysis based on an aggregate production function provides some insight into these differences, an approach taken by Mankiw, Romer, and Weil [1992] and Dougherty and Jorgenson [1996], among others. Differences among countries can be attributed to differences in human capital, physical capital, and productivity. Building on their analysis, our results suggest that differences in each element of the production function are important. In particular, however, our results emphasize the key role played by productivity. For example, consider the 35-fold difference in output per worker between the United States and Niger. Different capital intensities in the two countries contributed a factor of 1.5 to the income differences, while different levels of educational attainment contributed a factor of 3.1. The remaining difference—a factor of 7.7—remains as the productivity residual. * A previous version of this paper was circulated under the title ‘‘The Productivity of Nations.’’ This research was supported by the Center for Economic Policy Research at Stanford and by the National Science Foundation under grants SBR-9410039 (Hall) and SBR-9510916 (Jones) and is part of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s program on Economic Fluctuations and Growth. We thank Bobby Sinclair for excellent research assistance and colleagues too numerous to list for an outpouring of helpful commentary. Data used in the paper are available online from http://www.stanford.edu/,chadj.

/pdf/why-do-some-countries-produce-so-much-more-output-per-worker-4zwsdbv6gk.pdf

Why do Some Countries Produce So Much More Output Per Worker than Others

This paper compares more direct measures of the institutional environment with both the instability proxies used by Barro (1991) and the Gastil indices, by comparing their effects both on growth and private investment. The results provide substantial support for the position that the institutional roots of growth and convergence are significant. The marked improvement that these new variables represent over existing proxies also suggests that there are substantial returns to future research into variables that reflect the security of property rights and the efficiency with which states determine economic policies and allocate public goods.

Institutions and economic performance: cross‐country tests using alternative institutional measures

A panel data approach is advocated and implemented for studying growth convergence. The familiar equation for testing convergence is reformulated as a dynamic panel data model, and different panel data estimators are used to estimate it. The main usefulness of the panel approach lies in its ability to allow for differences in the aggregate production function across economies. This leads to results that are significantly different from those obtained from single cross-country regressions. In the process of identifying the individual "country effect," we can also see the point where neoclassical growth empirics meets development economics.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/2946651.pdf

Growth Empirics: A Panel Data Approach

This paper surveys the convergence literature. It begins by laying out different definitions of convergence and by showing the link between the convergence issue and the growth theory debate. The paper then follows the convergence research conducted along four different approaches, namely the cross-section, panel, time-series, and distribution approaches. The paper shows the association of these methodological approaches with various definitions of convergence and highlights the connections among the convergence results. It shows that, despite some impressions to the contrary, there is considerable agreement among the results. Although the convergence research might not have solved the growth debate entirely, it has helped both the neoclassical and the new growth theories to adapt and evolve. The research on convergence has established new stylized facts regarding cross-country growth regularities. It has brought to fore the existence of large technological and institutional differences across countries and has given rise to new methodologies for quantifying and analyzing these differences. This is providing a new information base for analysis of technological and institutional diffusion and for further development of growth theory in general.

/pdf/what-have-we-learnt-from-the-convergence-debate-1bfeple9tg.pdf

What have We Learnt from the Convergence Debate

Dry powder inhalers (DPIs) : A review of device reliability and innovation

Rice starch (RS-)based nano/mesoporous carbon (RSNMC) was prepared via a hard-templating route using cheap rice starch as a carbon source. XRD and TEM characterization indicated the formation of organized nanoporous RSNMC. Nitrogen absorption–desorption studies revealed a high surface area of up to 488 m2∙g−1, uniform pore size of 3.92 nm, and pore volume of 1.14 cm3∙g−1. A RSNMC-modified glassy carbon (GC) electrode was employed for the determination of ascorbic acid (AA) and exhibited a linear response in the concentration range of 0.005–6.0 mM with a detection limit of 0.003 mM. These results demonstrate that RSNMC has potential as an advanced and cheap electrode material for electrochemical sensing and other electrocatalytic applications.

Nano/Mesoporous Carbon from Rice Starch for Voltammetric Detection of Ascorbic Acid.

Degradability of chitosan micro/nanoparticles for pulmonary drug delivery.

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